This thesis deals with non-wanted political parties e.g. right wing populism. How should a democracy handle these opinions? So far these parties have been neglected and not even considered as real parties. By excluding them from the debate and the political arena, media and more established parties have seen them merely as a threat than as democratic parties.

1989 there was a big strike among teachers in Sweden. The strike lasted for over five weeks and got a lot of space in the media. In this study the author has focused on the Swedish press opinion about the strike and the striking teachers. The study is comparative one between Non-socialists press and press connected to the Socialists. The author has used a form of qualitative text analysis to examine the data which consists of editorials from six different morning papers.

The state of Israel is known as the only democracy in the Middle East. The purpose of this study was to examine if there is aspects in the Israelis society that can be questioned in terms of liberal democracy.Areas of concerns in the study are the Israeli official policy's concerning inclusion and exclusion of their citizens in areas of property owning, personal status and the duty of military service.The results show that the Israeli society distinguishes their citizens in these areas by their ethnic origin, in favour for the Jewish population. The law prohibits changes in the states Jewish character. One clear example how this is presented is that a Jew is prohibited to marry a non-Jew. The results show also that this official policy by the Israeli state violates important principles of liberal democracy.

The purpose of this paper is to study what the press in Sweden wrote about counterfeiting from 1944 to 1950. By studying how the newspapers wrote about the crime of counterfeiting, the paper aims to give a glimpse of how counterfeiters worked and got their notes in circulation. The analysis is based on a theoretical perspective of a "we" and "they" in which Sweden is compared to the opposite abroad. The paper examines how the security of Swedish banknotes is discussed in Swedish news articles and how they describe counterfeiters and passers. The paper examines forty one newspaper clippings from the period 1944-1950 from twenty five different newspapers from different parts of the country.

Title: Similarities or differences within the centre-right? A study of the potential for party fusions within in the Swedish centre-rightAuthor: Charlie WeimersAim: The thesis seeks to find the potential for party fusions within the Swedish centre-right by analyzing the ideological similarities and differences between the parties.Method/Material: In the thesis, four dimensions of the parties? ideologies are analyzed: view of man, theory for societal structures, fiscal theory and moral values. The results of the study of the ideologies are then compared. The investigation is done with the party manifestos as starting point and with the analysis of ideas as theoretical tool.Main Results: The comparative analysis, based on the parties? ideological views, shows specific party constellations are more probable than others.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att jämföra journalisters intervjuteknik med avseende på om de utför intervjuer avsedda för press, radio eller tv. Inom journalistiken är intervjun är den mest använda metoden för att skaffa information. I teoriavsnittet går jag igenom vad som utmärker intervjun som journalistisk arbetsmetod och redogör för vad som menas med god intervjuteknik. Jag beskriver också vad som skiljer press-, radio- och tv-intervjuer åt. Med teorin som grund har jag använt mig av en kvalitativ forskningsansats och gjort intervjuer med sex yrkesverksamma journalister inom press, radio och tv om deras syn på sin intervjuteknik.

The Common Agricultural Policy has been a burning topic for debate for severaldecades. According to the CAP:s opponents it's effects include pollution, market distortionsand not least a huge expense for the European union.In this study we seek to explain why the CAP has remained almostunreformed since it's constitution in the 1950:s. The means by which we do so isa case study where we analyze the CAP by using three different theories; liberalinter-governmentalism, realistic trade theory and new institutionalism.In the final chapter we conclude that the theories complement each other. Newinstitutionalism explains the rigidity of the CAP. The liberal perspective explainsthe origin and the logic behind the policy whereas the realistic point of view putsthe policy in the light of an international economic theory and recognizes nationalpolicy makers roll in the inflexibility of the CAP..

Denna studie undersöker den svenska pressens rapportering om barnsexturism åren 2000-2007. Genom kvantitativ innehållsanalys studeras avsändare bakom budskapet i artiklarna, aktiva aktörer och huvudsakligt innehåll. Analysen har sin grund i teorier om mediernas dagordning och om medielogik. För att öka förståelsen för den svenska rapporteringens förutsättningar görs en liknande men mindre omfattande studie för engelskspråkig press i Kambodja. Likaså genomförs kortare intervjuer med för ämnet relevanta personer.

This essay focuses on the press coverage of the riots in Gothenburg 2001. The questions it aims to answer are, How is it that although the media was gender-neutral in its news reports, the lasting memory is one of rioting men, and why did the media simultaneously exaggerate and minimize the importance of the riots?The material consists of articles and photographs from Swedish mainstream newspapers. The method is text analysis, with a heavy influence of discourse theory. The conclusions are that since the hegemonic discourse on gender does not allow women to be active and violent, all bodies in the riot automatically become men, no matter how female they seem to be in other contexts.

With this essay, I want to examine the image of Russians in the Swedish rural press during the second half of the 19th century, how rusophobia appeared in Swedish rural press and how the image of Russians changed during this time. To find this out, I set these questions:  ? How was Russians and Russia portrayed in the Swedish rural press? ? Did the view of Russians change during this time?The essay is written so that I have interpreted my empirical material to do a discourse analysis in which I analyse different articles that have been written about Russia and Russians in a stereotypical way. The source material used in the thesis comes from 41 news articles; the bulk of the source material comes from newspapers that were published during the late 19th century.Rural press reporting on Russia and Russians were in the second half of the 19th century mostly negative. Of the 41 articles that were examined it was found that about half were negative, less than one-sixth were positive, while about a third were neutral.The reason that many of the articles were negative has to do with Sweden's shared history with Russia, with many wars and territorial losses.

The digitalization of the media industry has involved great changes for the Swedish daily press. Instead of subscribing on a daily newspaper, more people tend to read newspaper's free edition online.  The recent recession has contributed to strike hard against the newspaper's economy. This is the problem our research is based upon. How will the newspaper develop and which measures have to be done to get a well functioning business model that is suited for future conditions?We have made qualitative interviews with Swedish newspapers: Göteborgs-Posten, Norrköpingstidningen, Sydsvenskan and with the danish newspaper Politiken.

At the beginning of the 21st century, youth unemployment is paid attention to by the Swedish government and media. A grand part of the unemployed youth live at their parents´ house because of economic reasons contrary to their primary goal to be able to make their own living. It can be argued that the young unemployed´ s social citizenship is inferior to working citizens´ social citizenship. The thesis will not deal with suggestions on practical solutions, but rather seek for theoretical answers to whether the responsibility for the young people referred to should be a responsibility of the State or of the family. Communitarianism is a relatively young theory which is interesting for this thesis because it sheds light on the dichotomy individual - community.

I have in this essay looked at what stand NWT took to the three leading countries in The First World War, Germany, France and England, and if it changed during the course of the war.I worked based on the theory that NWT, as a politically conservative newspaper was pro-Germany, which also showed to be true.I have look at the official stand, what is shown in the published material, what stand that the newspaper showed outwards. The result shows that NWT held a neutral stand during the war being loyal to the conservative government. At the end of the war the papers sympathies for Germany are shown more openly in its political material..

This thesis highlights the complex relationship between social movements and the mass media. The new social movements really have to struggle to get access to the media sphere, often enforced to use spectacular media strategies, and at the same time maintain their political messages. This struggle gives us reason to question the liberal notion of the media as a neutral arena for political communication and debate. In fact we argue that the media industry should be seen as a powerful actor and that the mass media serves to maintain and enforce an ideology that serves the political and economic elites in the liberal capitalist democracy. The Social movements that seek to question these elites and present an alternative, as they did during the EU-meeting in Gothenburg 2001, quite clearly gets far from neutral media image of the political actions taking place instead the are portrayed as violent or associated with violence and not presented as legitimate or believable political subjects..

This thesis aims to explain the emergence of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union, and its institutional shaping, by using elements of Neofunctionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism.Using Neofunctionalism, the Common Foreign and Security Policy can be explained both as a side-effect of Europe's economic integration, and as a way to maintain the former and the European Union's position as an economic superpower. The institutional shaping is a result of lack of convergence between important national interests. Therefore it rests on a firm intergovernmental base, with rigorously limited use of supranational decision-making.For Liberal Intergovernmentalism, geopolitics and ideology, and to a certain level log-rolling, have played important roles. The reunification of Germany convinced France to form an alliance between the two countries. France, determined to achieve an economic and monetary union, thus offered Germany a political union, including a Common Foreign and Security Policy on intergovernmental terms.