The state of Israel is known as the only democracy in the Middle East. The purpose of this study was to examine if there is aspects in the Israelis society that can be questioned in terms of liberal democracy.Areas of concerns in the study are the Israeli official policy's concerning inclusion and exclusion of their citizens in areas of property owning, personal status and the duty of military service.The results show that the Israeli society distinguishes their citizens in these areas by their ethnic origin, in favour for the Jewish population. The law prohibits changes in the states Jewish character. One clear example how this is presented is that a Jew is prohibited to marry a non-Jew. The results show also that this official policy by the Israeli state violates important principles of liberal democracy.

Title: Similarities or differences within the centre-right? A study of the potential for party fusions within in the Swedish centre-rightAuthor: Charlie WeimersAim: The thesis seeks to find the potential for party fusions within the Swedish centre-right by analyzing the ideological similarities and differences between the parties.Method/Material: In the thesis, four dimensions of the parties? ideologies are analyzed: view of man, theory for societal structures, fiscal theory and moral values. The results of the study of the ideologies are then compared. The investigation is done with the party manifestos as starting point and with the analysis of ideas as theoretical tool.Main Results: The comparative analysis, based on the parties? ideological views, shows specific party constellations are more probable than others.

Den 8 augusti 1995 tog USA:s president Bill Clinton ett beslut att försöka skapa fred i Bosnien. Beslutet skulle komma att ha betydelse för USA:s fortsatta roll i europeisk politik efter kalla kriget. Vi argumenterar för hur beslutet kan ses som ett strategiskt val men också för hur självständiga organisationers möjligheter och begränsningar samt viljestarka individer gjorde beslutet möjligt.Vi använder oss av Graham Allisons tre modeller: rational actor, organizational behavior och governmental politics för att analysera Clintons beslut. Tillsammans med tillgänglig kritik av dessa modeller hittar vi både för- och nackdelar med Allisons ansatser i fallet Bosnien och kommer fram till att modellernas interrelation både underlättar och försvårar vårt fall. Vi hittar också svårigheter med att använda modell 1 i en unipolär värld.Slutsatsen är att alla tre modellerna krävs för att fullständigt förstå varför USA agerade som de gjorde i slutfasen av Bosnienkriget..

The world is yet to experience world peace, a peace that is hindered by ongoing conflicts that escalate into wars around the globe. Therefore, peace can only be possible if conflicts are restricted and resolved to prohibit war, creating and maintaining peace. This study will be constructed around this assumption, but will include a moral variable and answer: is there a moral conflict-solving road to peace?The study will be directed around appeasement, economic sanctions and war as conflict resolving agents for peace. I will construct a typology with common features by using empirical material; a topology that will then be analyzed using two opposing ethical theories, consequentialism and common morality.The analysis will be constructed around the above mentioned question.

The Common Agricultural Policy has been a burning topic for debate for severaldecades. According to the CAP:s opponents it's effects include pollution, market distortionsand not least a huge expense for the European union.In this study we seek to explain why the CAP has remained almostunreformed since it's constitution in the 1950:s. The means by which we do so isa case study where we analyze the CAP by using three different theories; liberalinter-governmentalism, realistic trade theory and new institutionalism.In the final chapter we conclude that the theories complement each other. Newinstitutionalism explains the rigidity of the CAP. The liberal perspective explainsthe origin and the logic behind the policy whereas the realistic point of view putsthe policy in the light of an international economic theory and recognizes nationalpolicy makers roll in the inflexibility of the CAP..

At the beginning of the 21st century, youth unemployment is paid attention to by the Swedish government and media. A grand part of the unemployed youth live at their parents´ house because of economic reasons contrary to their primary goal to be able to make their own living. It can be argued that the young unemployed´ s social citizenship is inferior to working citizens´ social citizenship. The thesis will not deal with suggestions on practical solutions, but rather seek for theoretical answers to whether the responsibility for the young people referred to should be a responsibility of the State or of the family. Communitarianism is a relatively young theory which is interesting for this thesis because it sheds light on the dichotomy individual - community.

I oktober år 2000 antog FNs säkerhetsråd den första resolutionen där kvinnor ses som aktörer för fred och inte bara som offer för konflikt. Eftersom 1325 är en resolution antagen i säkerhetsrådet, är den juridiskt bindande för alla FNs medlemsstater. Mitt övergripande syfte med denna uppsats är att belysa vikten av att samhällets olika nivåer, från absoluta toppnivå till gräsrotsnivå, samarbetar för att resolutioner från FNs säkerhetsråd, framförallt när det gäller så kallade mjuka frågor, skall uppmärksammas och bli framgångsrika. Mer specifikt är mitt syfte att studera effekterna av resolution 1325. För att göra detta har jag intervjuat åtta representanter för olika kvinnoorganisationer, som representerar gräsrotsnivån, sex i Stockholm och två i New York. Dessutom har jag hämtat information från dokument från FNs generalsekreterare, säkerhetsrådet och Sveriges regering, som representerar toppnivåer i samhället. För att belysa att avsaknaden av en ny resolution om kvinnor, fred och säkerhet beror på säkerhetsrådets genusblindhet, använder jag mig av ett feministiskt teoretiskt perspektiv.

This thesis highlights the complex relationship between social movements and the mass media. The new social movements really have to struggle to get access to the media sphere, often enforced to use spectacular media strategies, and at the same time maintain their political messages. This struggle gives us reason to question the liberal notion of the media as a neutral arena for political communication and debate. In fact we argue that the media industry should be seen as a powerful actor and that the mass media serves to maintain and enforce an ideology that serves the political and economic elites in the liberal capitalist democracy. The Social movements that seek to question these elites and present an alternative, as they did during the EU-meeting in Gothenburg 2001, quite clearly gets far from neutral media image of the political actions taking place instead the are portrayed as violent or associated with violence and not presented as legitimate or believable political subjects..

This thesis aims to explain the emergence of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union, and its institutional shaping, by using elements of Neofunctionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism.Using Neofunctionalism, the Common Foreign and Security Policy can be explained both as a side-effect of Europe's economic integration, and as a way to maintain the former and the European Union's position as an economic superpower. The institutional shaping is a result of lack of convergence between important national interests. Therefore it rests on a firm intergovernmental base, with rigorously limited use of supranational decision-making.For Liberal Intergovernmentalism, geopolitics and ideology, and to a certain level log-rolling, have played important roles. The reunification of Germany convinced France to form an alliance between the two countries. France, determined to achieve an economic and monetary union, thus offered Germany a political union, including a Common Foreign and Security Policy on intergovernmental terms.

This thesis examines the USA?s response to the military coup in Myanmar 2021 through a comparative analysis of the two dominant international relations theories: realism and liberalism. The study uses a qualitative text analysis of the US Burma act of 2021 to test the explanatory power of the theories in the formulation of US policy. The results shows that liberal theory has the greater explanatory power, as the US response was systematically motivated by a normative desire to restore democracy in Myanmar. However, some realist tendencies could be observed, especially through exception clauses preserving US national security interest and the mention of China?s support for the military junta in Myanmar.

The Security Council?s resolution 1325 addressed the major negative impact that armed conflict has on women and children. This in turn complicates the Council?s work on maintaining international peace and security. The resolution therefore highlights women?s rights as participants in peace- and conflict processes.

This essay analyses two swedish magazines about marriage, called "giftermålstidningar", from 1914 and 1924. With ideology as theoretical basis the subject matter is to find words and expressions of ideological influence in the source material. These influences is assumed to come from contemporary marriage laws, which expressed certain views about heterosexual relationships. In addition to the state's laws, the writers in the magazines is presumed to be influenced by other contemporary ideas. Either an older, christian tradition from brittish baptist Frederick Brotherton Meyer, or the swedish economist Knut Wicksell, who represents the Neo-Malthusian world view.

The aim of this thesis is to discuss and analyse the media debate about feminist self-defence, by pointing out the pros and the cons. The arguments in favour could be separated into three different parts: statistical arguments, psychological arguments and justice arguments. The counter arguments could also be separated into three parts: general arguments, violence-related arguments and gender-related arguments. In short, feminist self-defence is built on women's experiences of men's violence. It contains three different parts to help women avoid violence, threat of violence, insult and sexual harassment.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the ongoing changes in German family policy. It explores the issue of whether the German welfare state, in this policy field, can still be regarded as a conservative welfare model or rather approaches a more liberal or social democratic model. A qualitative method is used to analyze the material, especially from the German government, including press releases, other public documents and also articles from the political weekly magazines Der Spiegel and Die Zeit. The changes analyzed are the new parental benefit, the expansion of child care, the concept of whole-day schools and the system of joint taxation. The point of departure is Gösta Esping-Andersen?s categorization of three types of welfare states: the social democratic, the conservative and the liberal.

Every human being has the right to the highest attainable standard of health. This is regulated by the UN in the Declaration of Human Rights. However, Swedish legislation discriminate the group of irregular immigrants, regarding the right to health care. Therefore, Paul Hunt, the UN's special rapporteur on the right to health, draws serious critique on Sweden which has caused extensive debate regarding the matter, both in the civil and political sphere of society.Thus, the aim of this essay is through an analysis of the political debate; make visible the norms of citizenship which are dominating the argumentation of the seven parties represented in the Swedish Parliament. An analytical framework, consisting of three dimensions, is therefore used in order to interpret the material which is relevant for the debate.The conclusion is that Moderaterna and Centerpartiet mainly base their arguments on communitarian values, while Kristdemokraterna and Folkpartiet rather show influences of liberal ideas.