I oktober år 2000 antog FN:s säkerhetsråd resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) som behandlar kvinnor, fred och säkerhet. Detta var första gången kvinnors status i säkerhetspolitik behandlades på högsta internationella nivå, och resolutionen är delvis en produkt av lobbyarbete gjort av kvinnors NGO:s. Denna studie ämnar undersöka vilka potential UNSCR 1325 har för uppluckrandet av ojämlika mönster i könspositioner som finns inom fältet för fred och säkerhet. Studien består av en idéanalys och en praktisk analys som görs utifrån tre dimensioner ur feministisk teori. Analysen visar att de idéer resolutionen vilar på inte utmanar de rådande snäva mönster i könspositioner som finns i dagens säkerhetspolitik och har därför heller inte potential att göra det praktiskt.

The European Union has faced lots of criticisms over the last couple of years when it comes to how refugees are treated in Europe. The Lisbon Treaty states in Article 2 that the European Union is founded on respect for human freedom, dignity and equality. Values such as democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and that the rights of persons belonging to minorities should be respected are also something that the Union should be based on. How is it then that the Roma people, which are Europe's largest minority, are being persecuted all over Europe, that they get deported and have their camps destroyed? Why are refugees from North Africa being sent back before they even have a chance to seek asylum?  In this essay I have examined how the EU are treating refugees and tried to distinguish if there are any differences in how they treat internal and external refugees.

Every now and then new political ideas appear which creates debate. A current example of political debate is the one which concerns the creation of a feminist political party in Sweden -Feministiskt initiativ. Apparent in the current debate is that there are two existing conflicts of ideas present. The liberal thought of politics of ideas stands against feminism's demand for presence in the political life. And the other, the conflict which concerns the question of where a line between the public and the private spheres should be drawn.

The purpose with this essay is to examine the Liberal Party and the Left Party´s views on homework, if the parties considers that homework affects the schools plan for equivalence and if the parties disagreement can be related to their different ideologies. To answer the purpose I have used following questions: How do the Liberal Party and the Left Party define the concept of homework?, What is the purpose of homework in primary schools according to the Liberal Party and the Left Party?, What are the arguments for and against homework and do homework affects the schools plan for equivalence according to the parties? and Can the parties' views on homework be related to their respective ideologies? The method used is a qualitative textual analysis with focus on the idea analysis. The material consist of relevant newspaper articles, news and debate clips and the parties various party programs, during the time frame of 2006-05-31 - 2013-10-14. To answer the purpose I also used different types of discourse theories, equivalence theory and the ideologies liberalism and reformist socialism as theories.The results shows that the Liberal Party and the Left Party have different views about what a homework should be considered as and that both parties thinks that homework can affect the schools plan for equivalence, but they have different perceptions about how.

Formgivningsprocess för en multimediamöbel...

The goal of this essay is to analyse how women belonging to a right wing political discourse talk about feminism and equality. This analysis will be used to determine if right wing feminism exists. The analysis is based on Laclau and Mouffe´s  discourse theory as the primary base. The focus is articulation, antagonism and hegmony; the central terms of Laclau and Moffe´s theroy. The material consists of five interviews with representatives of women wings of liberal political in Sweaden; Liberala kvinnor, Centerkvinnor and Moderatkvinnor.The study shows that there are different opinions regarding feminism in the liberal political discouse, and that those opinions have an antagonistic relationship.

This paper focuses on the role freedom plays in Michel Foucault?s analyze of liberal and particularely neoliberal governmentalities. From his perspective, neoliberalism operates through the strategic production of entrepreneural subjectivity and distribution of self-governing. Here autonomy is central for governing, which raises questions about what freedom can mean at all in Foucault, and how resistance can be possible. Through Foucault?s thinking on liberal freedom, we can gain a better understanding of his philosophy on subjectivation and resistance..

The paper is a discourse analysis of the liberal environmental discourse in Sweden today. It is based on articles in two of the main liberal Swedish newspapers, Dagens Nyheter and Sydsvenska Dagbladet, and a liberal periodical, Neo.The purpose of this study is to analyze how the environmental problems that have been produced by the industrialised society, especially global warming, are seen upon in the liberal discourse in Sweden today. The theoretical point of departure is a discourse analysis that as a method seeks to analyze the material to reveal what assumptions the discussion departs from, and what assumptions the discussions reject.The thesis concludes that the main trends in the discussions are to position the environment against the financial system and state that the capitalist system is the only system that can solve the environmental issues. The existing environmental problems are not denied, but constantly belittled and only considered to be a problem if it poses a direct threat to humans. The solution for these environmental problems is believed to be the strengthening of the financial system and the development of new technologies..

Denna uppsats undersöker aristokratiska kvinnors roller i den fornordiska kulturen i syfte att se om dessa roller kan förklara varför dessa kvinnor engagerade sig i kristnandeprocessen. Undersökningens resultat indikerar att kvinnornas uppgift var att vara en freothuwebbe, en vävare av fred mellan kungar och krigare och gudar och människor och att de också fortsatte med denna uppgift under och efter religionsskiftet, men vävde då istället fred mellan prästerna och kungen, mellan de framväxande staterna och den begynnande kyrkliga organisationen. .

I denna uppsats gör vi en ansats till att förklara varför konflikten i Tjetjenien inte är löst. Genom att undersöka om konflikten i Tjetjenien är en Protracted Social Conflict, får vi fram de underliggande mekanismerna och komplexiteten som gör att konflikten kan fortgå. När dessa är tydliggjorda identifierar och senare kritiserar vi de traditionella fredsbyggandestrategierna, vilka inte är tillräckliga i en sådan komplex konflikt. Detta framförallt på grund av att de traditionella fredsbyggandestrategiernas mål snarare är att bygga en liberal markandsdemokrati snarare än fred. För att komma till en lösning krävs en uppmuntran till civilbefolkningen att utveckla forum som kan överbrygga splittringen mellan de olika identitetsgrupperna, detta är dock något som måste ske frivilligt och på folkets egna premisser..

The common asylum and migration policy of the European Union is a struggle between a strong belief in the protection of human rights and the need of strong and secured borders. This paper highlights the dilemma that occurs in the common asylum and migration policy of the European Union. What happens when the union have to choose between liberal standards with high priorities to human rights and a realistic focus on security? The aim is to study the asylum policy presented in the Stockholm Program, and thereafter evaluate what kind of character the union has itself. By an ideal type analysis of the Stockholm program from 2009, the common asylum policy is divided into either liberal or realistic ideas.

The purpose of my work is to understand and examine the reasons why Ethiopia has not developed a larger decline of female genital mutilation, despite their ban on it? A ban that has been operating for ten years should reasonably have reached a greater change than the one Ethiopia has developed today. Based on two different branches of feminist theory, the liberal feminist theory and radical feminist theory, I will try to understand the potential power relationship that can be a immense reason for Ethiopia's continued practice with regard to female genital mutilation. I will examine the liberal feminist approach when it comes to seeing the state as the source of the balance of power that generate inequality in the world between men and women. I will also apply the radical feminist theory on my case study and understand the problem of patriarchy and its already set roles for men and women that we are following in the society today, resulting in gender inequality. The result shows that the radical feminist approach with patriarchy as essential explanation, which articulates that because of ancient traditions and the exercise of power, the amendment must be the changing of power relations between men and women in the private sphere rather than the liberal feminist approach which applies that the state repair the problem..

I fokus för denna uppsats står en hypotes inom forskningsfältet genus och internationella konflikter som stadgar att kvinnor är mer fredsbenägna än män i internationella konflikter. I studien testas denna hypotes giltighet i Israel, genom en undersökning av om representanter för israeliska fredsorganisationer upplever att det existerar en skillnad mellan manliga och kvinnliga medlemmar när det gäller deras vilja till kompromissande i svåra frågor och i deras inställning till våld som ett lämpligt medel i arbetet för fred..

The thesis of this essay is that the concept of governance is a product of the neo-liberal dominant ideology and that the implementation of governance ideas will lead to a weaker nation-state. Using critical theory the essay constructs an ideal type of neo-liberalism and compares its core values with these of the governance concept as treated by the main literature in the area. The essay then focuses on the issue of the state, and discusses whether the changes leading to a demand for governance have actually weakened the state. Furthermore, the essay presents the practical use of the term governance in the EU and Sweden and problemizes the changes that the neo-liberal domination has led to in terms of power and democracy. Finally the essay discusses alternative views on the changing role of the state.

Palestinakonflikten som idag framkallar så mycket våld och blodspillan kan inte lösas förrän framförallt de viktigaste frågorna löses. De viktigaste knäckfrågor i fredsprocessen man härvid brukar betona är huruvida en tvåstatslösning är möjlig, samt hur frågorna om de palestinska flyktingarna respektive Jerusalems framtida status ska hanteras. Löser man inte dessa frågor kan inte en varaktig fred uppnås, och därav ämnar författaren undersöka de viktigaste aktörernas inställning till dessa. Finns det möjligtvis ställningstagande som förenar de respektive aktörerna och huruvida kan detta sägas vara en förutsättning för en framtida fred i området?.