Sammanfattning Hur framställs muslimska kvinnor i läroböcker framtagna att följa GY11? Det har varit denna uppsats huvudfrågeställning. Med utgångspunkt i ett teoriavsnitt som presenterar aktuellt forskningsläge kring muslimsk feminism framställdes en kodningsmanual som har använts som redskap för att analysera fem stycken läroböcker. Det som framförallt framkommer i den teoretiska utgångspunkten är kontextens betydelse och vikten av omtolkningar för att förstå islam på ett, för de muslimska feministerna, rätt sätt. Bilder, ord, meningar och uttryck för idéer har plockats ut och redovisats. Resultatet visar en spridd bild av förankring i forskning kring berörda ämne.

Offentliga diskurser har historiskt framställt feminitet och feminism som oförenliga med varandra. Feminitet framställs vanligen med en kvinna som besitter normativt feminina egenskaper, medan framställningen av feministen skildrat en radikal och manhaftig kvinna. Tidigare forskning visar att ordet feminist, för många individer, har en negativ laddning samt en otydlighet i innebörden av ordet. Detta speglar hur väl individen identifierar sig med feminism. Denna uppsats handlar om hur bloggaren UnderbaraClara, som aktör i den feministiska diskursen, på sin blogg positionerar sig till feminism och feminitet.

Relevansen av genus inom utvecklingsdiskursen är något som envist påpekats sedan en lång tid tillbaka. Idag betraktas jämställdhet som en av de högst prioriterade målsättningarna för västerländska biståndsgivare och redan 1995 fastslog OECD att jämställdhet var en huvudsaklig förutsättning för all utveckling.I denna uppsats granskas de policys avseende jämställdhet såsom de föreskrivs i OECDs officiella uttalanden. Utifrån dessa stadgor identifieras de diskursiva antaganden och underliggande uppfattningar om jämställdhet genom diskurs- och textanalys. Det är i första hand sättet som ojämställdhet representeras som ett politiskt problem som är av intresse inom denna studie. Särskild uppmärksamhet ägnas därför till sättet som policyföreskrifterna medverkar i konstituerandet av problemställningarna som de avser adressera.

At the beginning of the 21st century, youth unemployment is paid attention to by the Swedish government and media. A grand part of the unemployed youth live at their parents´ house because of economic reasons contrary to their primary goal to be able to make their own living. It can be argued that the young unemployed´ s social citizenship is inferior to working citizens´ social citizenship. The thesis will not deal with suggestions on practical solutions, but rather seek for theoretical answers to whether the responsibility for the young people referred to should be a responsibility of the State or of the family. Communitarianism is a relatively young theory which is interesting for this thesis because it sheds light on the dichotomy individual - community.

This study in Public Administration uses feminism and historical institutionalism toanalyze a highly debated contemporary policy problem that concerns genderequality in the policy of parental leave. The parental insurance was introduced in1974 with the governmental goal of gender equality. In 1974 only 0,5 percent of thenumber of days of parental benefit was paid to men. Today, 40 years later, the goalremains the same and the numbers of days of parental benefit paid to men are 24,8percent.The debate that has characterized the Swedish policy of parental insurance andspecifically the design of the parental benefit is the debate of freedom of choiceversus quota.Our study focuses on ideas and arguments that influence the policy of parentalbenefit. The study assumes, with basis in the theories of feminism and historicalinstitutionalism, that a policy like parental benefit is slow-moving and that pathdependency has lead to a slow development of gender equality..

This thesis highlights the complex relationship between social movements and the mass media. The new social movements really have to struggle to get access to the media sphere, often enforced to use spectacular media strategies, and at the same time maintain their political messages. This struggle gives us reason to question the liberal notion of the media as a neutral arena for political communication and debate. In fact we argue that the media industry should be seen as a powerful actor and that the mass media serves to maintain and enforce an ideology that serves the political and economic elites in the liberal capitalist democracy. The Social movements that seek to question these elites and present an alternative, as they did during the EU-meeting in Gothenburg 2001, quite clearly gets far from neutral media image of the political actions taking place instead the are portrayed as violent or associated with violence and not presented as legitimate or believable political subjects..

This thesis aims to explain the emergence of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union, and its institutional shaping, by using elements of Neofunctionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism.Using Neofunctionalism, the Common Foreign and Security Policy can be explained both as a side-effect of Europe's economic integration, and as a way to maintain the former and the European Union's position as an economic superpower. The institutional shaping is a result of lack of convergence between important national interests. Therefore it rests on a firm intergovernmental base, with rigorously limited use of supranational decision-making.For Liberal Intergovernmentalism, geopolitics and ideology, and to a certain level log-rolling, have played important roles. The reunification of Germany convinced France to form an alliance between the two countries. France, determined to achieve an economic and monetary union, thus offered Germany a political union, including a Common Foreign and Security Policy on intergovernmental terms.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate and analyse the debate of ideas on gender equality policy during 1998 - 2011. The questions raised in this thesis are; which gender equality policy ideology has prevailed during 1998 - 2011, and which ideological orientation have the different ministers of gender equality expressed during the same period of time? I have conducted the study by analysing government publications and debate articles against a ideological framework consisting of different types of feminist theory. In order to get a result as representative as possible, I have only used the material from each of the ministers during their time in office. The research method that I have used when analyzing the material is qualitative text analysis.

In this essay I?ve chosen to do a comparative analysis of the two films Män som hatar kvinnor (Niels Arden Oplev, 2009) and The girl with a Dragon tattoo (David Fincher, 2011) based on feministic theories. I have done this with the intent of comparing the two versions way of viewing the woman. The analysis is based on my own questions, observations and interpretations, and has a hermeneutic approach.My conclusion is that ?The girl with at Dragon tattoo? is closer to Stieg Larsson?s original story that both films are based upon, though the Swedish film Män som hatar kvinnor has got more of a feministic purpose.

SIDA?s relief work in Bosnia aims at making the country ready for a membership in the EU where the main focus lies in the creation of a sustainable state as well as liberalizing the market to create an increased economic cooperation between Bosnia and the rest of Europe. These ambitions are closely related to the neo-liberal theory of state building which aims at creating democratic societies in line with the western democracy model, with a liberal economy constituting its base. Despite generous financial aid, the democratic and economic development in Bosnia is moving very slowly and the ethnical tensions seem to grow despite international involvement in the country. The purpose of this study is to evaluate SIDA?s present relief work in Bosnia out of a peace perspective.

Research and innovation are areas that have been evolving quickly during recent years. However, it has been difficult for individual countries to make progress on their own. To solve this problem the European union have launched the most expensive research and innovation program to this day. By combining national governments throughout Europe, the EU wants to create cutting edge technology that will strenghten the region and make the union able to compete on a worldwide stage. However, trying to combine national governments has not been easy, the programs struggle with byrocracy and member states of the European union are tentative about supranational institutions. By engaging in the program national governments have been afraid of how this will affect their sovereignty.

The purpose of this paper is to examine and to analyze the arguments about a possible Swedish law against the veil. I have therefore highlighted how notions about the veil creates and reproduces power-structures and meaning-systems. I structured the arguments in a pro et contra schedule and then analyzed them by using a theoretical framework consisting post-colonial feminism, orientalism, multi-culture and intersectionality together with research produced by Joan Wallach Scott (2010), Pia Karlsson Minganti (2007) and Anne Sofie Roald (2003). The results of the study shows that the people who either argue for or against a veil-law agree that the veil is an oppression of women and that it must be resisted. To be objective in the discussion of the veil seems to be impossible and the women it affects deprived voice.

This thesis examines the USA?s response to the military coup in Myanmar 2021 through a comparative analysis of the two dominant international relations theories: realism and liberalism. The study uses a qualitative text analysis of the US Burma act of 2021 to test the explanatory power of the theories in the formulation of US policy. The results shows that liberal theory has the greater explanatory power, as the US response was systematically motivated by a normative desire to restore democracy in Myanmar. However, some realist tendencies could be observed, especially through exception clauses preserving US national security interest and the mention of China?s support for the military junta in Myanmar.

This essay investigates the results of participation by teenage girls in feminist groups, the so called girl groups. These groups are descendants of the awareness-raising groups of the 1970?s feminist movement. The essay assumes the relevance of theories of heteronormativity and performativity, as well as theories surrounding two different ways to organize girl groups. It is done either through the Pippi-feminism, named after strong independent book character Pippi Longstocking, or through the collective empowerment feminism.

AbstractAt a time when the discussion of feminism is hot in the media, in the schools and in the cottages so I have been interested in how feminist worlds order might look like and what are the roads there. There are plenty of barriers in the community, some of them you easily could influence.This essay problematize and define the problems behind the difficulties of reaching a feminist world order, but also the factors that are important to achieve this world order. How colonization that began several hundred years ago spread and secured the patriarchal society and its influence all the way to the society of today. But even more immediate factors, on how we ourselves are involved in shaping our society in terms of where we live, how we educate ourselves, and what jobs we choose. Status symbols in society as economics, profession and political influence are all to be reckoned with when it comes to influencing society.