This essay is about a debate concerning the magazine Axess, feminism and antifeminism - in relation to a issue of Axess called To a new feminism. The theoretical foundation of this essay is Pierre Bourdieu and his field theories. The battles taking place in this particular field concerns the positioning of feminism and antifeminism in the way we culturally interpret these in our society. The essay shows that the magazine Axess (at least in the first edition of 2012) links feminism with a very prominent symbolic capital in a culture context. This discussion can at times seem confusing, and this is probably due to the fact that Bourdieus symbolic capital can be a very abstract concept. The journalist and author Maria Sveland writes about the development of a culture moving towards accepting antifeminism (and also xenophobia). She expresses the opinion that this, to a high degree, is due to actors in the culture domain with a big amount of trust in the public eye has moved towards expressing anti-feministic (and xenophobic) views.

Vi har undersökt hur tio kvinnor som yrkesarbetar ser på fenomen som feminism, kvinnligt/manligt och jämställdhet. Dessa teman speglas sedan mot kvinnornas erfarenhet av arbetsliv och privatliv. Kvinnorna är alla sammanboende, har barn och är mellan 30-40 år gamla. Vi har gjort en förstudie i form av en gruppintervju samt genomfört semistrukturerade intervjuer med de tio kvinnorna, efter vissa justeringar av den ursprungliga intervjuguiden. Vår teoribildning utgår bland annat från Bourdieus tankar om manlig dominans samt en hel del andra teorier, varav flera feministiska sådana.

I denna uppsats undersöks vilka stereotyper om feminism och feminister som förekom i opinionsartiklar i Aftonbladet, Expressen, Svenska Dagbladet och på debattsidan Newsmill.se från och med 1 januari 2009 till och med 23 november 2011. Kriterierna var att skribenten tar avstånd från feminism och detta ska ske i artikeln i fråga. Vidare undersöktes vad dessa skribenter menar med jämställdhet om de ser detta som ettmål att eftersträva och hur detta mål ska uppnås utan feminism. Undersökningen tog fasta på begreppen feminism och jämställdhet och en tematisk analys av hur feminister som grupp framställs genomfördes. Utöver vanligt förekommande feministiska stereotyper, som att de är lättirriterade och splittrar kärnfamiljen, framkom även att feminister anses stå för odemokratiska värderingar.

This essay is about a debate concerning the magazine Axess, feminism and antifeminism - in relation to a issue of Axess called To a new feminism. The theoretical foundation of this essay is Pierre Bourdieu and his field theories. The battles taking place in this particular field concerns the positioning of feminism and antifeminism in the way we culturally interpret these in our society. The essay shows that the magazine Axess (at least in the first edition of 2012) links feminism with a very prominent symbolic capital in a culture context. This discussion can at times seem confusing, and this is probably due to the fact that Bourdieus symbolic capital can be a very abstract concept. The journalist and author Maria Sveland writes about the development of a culture moving towards accepting antifeminism (and also xenophobia). She expresses the opinion that this, to a high degree, is due to actors in the culture domain with a big amount of trust in the public eye has moved towards expressing anti-feministic (and xenophobic) views.

SammanfattningJag har valt att problematisera varför vissa grupper och aktörer inte vill kalla sig för feminister och istället säger att de är för jämställdhet. Jag påstår därmed att på grund av det avståndstagandet har antifeminismen vuxit fram.Ordet feminist kopplas ofta samman med en vänsterpolitik, därför har jag valt att belysa högerns åsikter angående feminismen och jämställdhetsbegreppet. Jag har alltså utsett att undersöka en offentlig tyckare; Susanna Popova och det politiska fältet med Moderaterna och Kristdemokraterna. Orsaker till deras avståndstagande är feminismens starka koppling till vänsterpolitiken, att den är för generaliserande och fokuserande på endast kvinnan och hennes behov i samhället samt att feminismen endast tycks se till det kollektiva agerandet.Genom att ha belyst högersidans åsikter har jag visat på att jämställdhetsmålet inte behöver se likadant ut, liksom vägen till att uppnå jämställdhet i samhället.NyckelordAntifeminism, Feminism, Jämställdhet, Backlash, Popova, Moderaterna, KristdemokraternaAbstraktI have decided to problemize why people do not call them self feminists and instead say that they are ?for equality?.

The common asylum and migration policy of the European Union is a struggle between a strong belief in the protection of human rights and the need of strong and secured borders. This paper highlights the dilemma that occurs in the common asylum and migration policy of the European Union. What happens when the union have to choose between liberal standards with high priorities to human rights and a realistic focus on security? The aim is to study the asylum policy presented in the Stockholm Program, and thereafter evaluate what kind of character the union has itself. By an ideal type analysis of the Stockholm program from 2009, the common asylum policy is divided into either liberal or realistic ideas.

The thesis of this essay is that the concept of governance is a product of the neo-liberal dominant ideology and that the implementation of governance ideas will lead to a weaker nation-state. Using critical theory the essay constructs an ideal type of neo-liberalism and compares its core values with these of the governance concept as treated by the main literature in the area. The essay then focuses on the issue of the state, and discusses whether the changes leading to a demand for governance have actually weakened the state. Furthermore, the essay presents the practical use of the term governance in the EU and Sweden and problemizes the changes that the neo-liberal domination has led to in terms of power and democracy. Finally the essay discusses alternative views on the changing role of the state.

Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka och analysera vad och hur det skrivs om kvinnor och feminism i texter inom socialt arbete. Studiens frågeställningar handlade om vilka områden och sammanhang kvinnor främst beskrivs inom, vad och hur det skrivs om kvinnor samt vilken relation feminism och socialt arbete har i texter. Empirin bestod av 24 nummer av tidskriften ?Socionomen?, från år 2009 till 2012. De texter som valdes ut var brukstexter i form av annonser, notiser och reportage med kvinnor i fokus.

The purpose of this study was to examine and explain Sweden?s defence and security policy during the twenty-first century. The method that was used in this research was a case study. The material that was used were government documents focusing on this area of policy, and numerous books concerning the theoretical perspectives on international relations and defence security policy. The study is of an explaining art and the analysis explains Sweden?s security and defence policy during the twenty-first century. The analysis explains this by testing it against a liberal and a realist view on international relations. The conclusion of the study is that Sweden?s defence and security policy has been liberal during this time period ? and still is.

Gender equality is a political issue that has gained a lot of support in the last decades. Researchers have however pointed out that gender equality has a wide variety of understandings.SKL (Sveriges kommuner och landsting) is an organization that looks after the interests of local authorities and county councils in Sweden. SKL has by the government been granted 145 million Swedish crowns to support gender mainstreaming at a local level. During a period of three years, 2008-2010, funding has been given to 89 projects for this purpose.The aim of this study is to examine what meanings are given to the term ?gender equality? in these projects.

Syftet med vårt examensarbete var att genom värderingsöningar i en högstadieklass försöka stärka självkänslan och medvetandegöra unga flickors syn på feminism, kön och jämställdhet. Vi valde att dela ut anonyma ostrukturerade enkäter vid första tillfället som en förstudie för att få en inblick om varje enskilld individs syn och kunskap om ämnet. Sedan följde ett antal lektionstillfällen med värdringsövningar. För att kunna undersöka om värderingsövningarna påverkade flickorna så använde vi oss av strukturerade observationer som mätmetod där vi i förväg kunde fastställa vad vi ville titta på i form av ett observationsprotokoll för varje värderingsövning. Som slutstudie valöde vi att åter lämna ut samma enkät för att se om en förändring skett.

Holy war against the aberration and the newspaper terrorismHeligt krig mot förvillelsen och tidningsterrorismen This paper explores Bernhard von Beskow?s (1796-1868) conservative critique of the, for the early 19th century, new dominating voice in public matters namely the liberal press. There are competing narratives about the emerging liberal press and its critics. On the one hand the conservative critics were seen as hopeless reactionaries which acted against freedom of the press, themselves stripped of positive ideals and/or handled with little interest as footnotes in the great story of the liberal victory over its opponents. On the other hand this story has been questioned and an alternative has been presented of how to understand the conservatives and their critique of the press.

The aim of this paper is to empirically examine the ideological trends and positioning of the Swedish liberal party with the Danish social liberal party. This paper also aims to analyze the reasons behind the trends. By examine the development in these two Nordic liberal sisterparties, this paper contributes to our understanding of why and how party change is initiated. The paper commences with an intuitive notion that the Swedish party has in fact, made a lurch towards the right, during the past ten to fifteen years while the Danish party has retained their social-liberal position in the centre of the Danish political spectrum. The questions then asked are: can this hypothesis be verified empirically? If so, how can this phenomenon of divergence, be explained?The method used in this thesis is process-tracing and the empirical material does to a large extent rely on interviews with central agents as they are specified in the theory of each party.

This study is based on the will to understand the importance of a specific theory within social work. From the concept of neo-liberal governmentality, the aim is to critically examine and discuss how governance and self-governance is manifested in social work methods and interventions, exemplified by the theory cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT). This will be accomplished through an analysis of:? How governance (and self-governance) is manifested in text through the advocacy of CBT and methods based on CBT.? How (governance and) self-governance is manifested in text through the contents of CBT and methods based on CBT. The study has a deductive approach including the hypothesis that the discourses inherent in social work methods and interventions, exemplified by the theory of CBT and methods based on CBT, may be related to the West?s development of a neo-liberal concept of governance.

The aim of this paper is in part to distinguish the ideas raised in the Swedish political debate on the new discrimination law in relation to protection of groups. Is protection by law against discrimination needed for the individual or the group? If it is needed for members of groups, are these groups viewed on as static or variable. Are there any conflicts present between group interests? We link these ideas to three different theoretical perspectives: multiculturalism, feminism and intersectionality and further examine the differences and contradictions between the perspectives represented by members of parliament.