The purpose of this article is to explore the technologies of government that are created within gender disorder assessments as an institution. I have done so by utilizing Norman Faircloughs discourse analysing instrument ?communicative action?, which focus on the social institution as relational.The material is strategically chosen by gathering texts from the Swedish state, the psychiatric clinics, NGO:s and by performing interviews with transsexual patients.When analysing the communication of the main agents, I have concluded that practices highly are a result of repeating text and speech inside the institution. The psychiatric assessments can also be seen as an illustration in changes in how citizens are governed in advanced liberal societies, where the role of the state has been gradually reduced in favour of other agents.I consider that the change illustrates an ?acting at a distance?-mentality where the patient is introduced to participate in the definition of the care in what I call ?negotiation as a technology?.

Many political reforms are currently implemented in the Swedish schools. The trend indicate that education in Sweden follows neo-liberal restructuring policy, that highlights assessment, marketization and surveillance in different aspects. According to the new curriculum LGR 11 the school head is the school's educational leader with responsibility for the school's results and development. The reforms put new demands on the school heads tasks, their responsibility and leadership. The aim of my research study is to investigate how the school heads experience andhandle this situation.

The main purpose of this study has been to examine and analyze what kind of discussions that takes place in the commentary fields of swedish online newspapers. We started by collecting nearly 2000 commentaries from three newspapers and then used a quantitative content analysis to interpret the material.We divided the comments into different categories like arguing, media criticism and opinion on other comments in order to see which categories were most common. The results of the analysis shows that there is a discussion in the commentary fields where most of the commentaries stick to the subject, where media criticism is unusual and where arguing is quite common. The discussion however is usually negative. The results can be connected to the theories of deliberative democracy, flaming and earlier research on commentary fields.

Jordbruket är något väldigt centralt i världen då jordbruket är det som försörjer oss med mat, en vara vi inte kan leva utan. Idag lever vissa delar av befolkningen på jorden i överflöd av jordbruksprodukter samtidigt som andra delar lever i svält. 1994 bildades en ny internationell handelsorganisation, World Trade Organization (WTO), som har till uppgift att liberalisera den internationella handeln och på så sätt förbättra förutsättningarna för handel mellan länder. En helt liberal handel innebär att alla länder konkurrerar på lika villkor på världsmarknaden. Detta ska ske genom att länderna reducerar sina handelshinder och öppnar sina inhemska marknader för omvärlden.

Bakgrund: Det finns olika uppfattningar om vad som definierar debatten om den politiskaekonomin. Frågan är i vilken riktning kausaliteten går, från normer till debatt och politik, frånförutsättningar till normer eller från politik till debatt och normer.Syfte: Mitt syfte är att undersöka i vilken riktning kausaliteten har gått angående debatten om denekonomiska politiken i Sverige genom att undersöka om den har tagit en mindre liberal riktningefter den ekonomiska krisen år 2008.Metod: Jag har undersökt krönikor och ledare i två svenska dagstidningar år 2006 och 2009 för attse om debatten har förändrats. För att analysera artiklarna har jag använt mig av fem kärnprinciperför den ekonomiska liberalismen som jag har konstruerat ett analysverktyg av.Resultat: Materialet jag undersökte gav ingen entydig bild om vilken riktning kausaliteten har. Vikan se vissa indikatorer på att både normer och ekonomiska förutsättningar styr hur debatten går dären av tidningarna ändrade tongången i debatten medan den andra stod oförändrad. Undersökningenbäddar dock för vidare forskning och metoden kan med fördel användas på ett större material ochäven på andra forum där den politiskt ekonomiska debatten förs..

The aim of this essay is to see how the IOGT, local politicians and the local newspaper acted in the city of Hedemora in Sweden in connection with the referendum held in 1922 whether or not to ban the use of alcoholic beverages. To accomplish this I have examined protocols from local IOGT-groups, the town council and the local newspaper Södra Dalarnes tidning. I find that the local IOGT not only worked with the issue of alcohol but served as an institution that deepened democracy and education in the local community through discussions, study circles and applying pressure on local politicians. The locally elected bodies in turn were generally in favour of the good work the IOGT did, although not always overwhelmingly so. Many of the local politicians that handled the issues of alcohol were themselves active members in organisations promoting absolutism.

The focus of this thesis is the group as a pedagogical tool. It investigates whether and how what is known of group size can help further schools in fulfilling knowledge and democracy goals and moreover how such knowledge can influence the principals? management. The mission of school education is to provide the basis for each pupil?s individual development and in the end it is pupils? individual performances which are graded.

In the process of globalization, identity has become one of the central factors.An understanding of the difference that makes up our society has made thequestion of weather is it possible to envision a society where difference is thecommon ground, one that has been up for contest. To answer this we need to seeif this kind of democracy is possible at all. For this I?m turning to the socialmovments who while they are working close to the reality also can give us somereal answers. Therefore I have looked at how social movements adress identity,difference and conflict and concluded that three things are crucial in organizing ongrounds of difference.

This is a study about the transition process and the consolidation of power in Belarus. In this paper the concept of "authoritarian state building and the sources of regime competitiveness in the fourth wave" is the major theory used. After giving a description of the theory?s concepts a short historical background of Belarus follows. Chapters four describes and explain the political situation in Belarus during five periods.

Since criminality started to rise steeply in most western welfare states following the second world war the relationship between welfare support and criminality has been debated. For a period of time thought to be an effective preventive measure against crime welfare support has since from time to time come to be seen by some as ineffective and in some cases even as a contributing factor to the rise in crime. It remains a contested issue as new theories, such as social support theory, which is employed here, attempt to contribute to the understanding of what effects general welfare has on overall crime levels. As a connection which is relatively well-researched in the USA, altough still not yet fully understood, this study strives toward a better understanding by testing the relationship in a swedish context. The relationship might not function in the same way considering that the US is a fundamentally different welfare-regime than Sweden, liberal and social-democratic respectively.Untangling the relationship is attempted by employing a multivariate regressionanalysis on a crosssectional dataset consisting of data from 2012 covering 247 of Swedens total of 290 municipalities.

Abstract Youths and adolescents have for a long period of time, and at a high degree, beenabsent from the party political stage. The causes for this have been discussed inthis essay through a quantitative survey made in an upper secondary school class,consisting of some 19 subjects in the municipality of Kalmar. Tied together withrelevant literature and discourse on the subject, the essay has dealt with thepossible societal-, system- and individual barriers for political interest andinvolvement. Central questions for this essay has been for instance; age, gender,social background, geographical domicile, as well as the decline of ideology, theforms of current party politics, political interest, political engagement and soforth. The concluding remarks contain not only a mix of these barriers existing,not exclusively, for young and adolescents but different ground for them as well.On the one hand, there exist barriers which exclude youth from the conventionalpolitical life, but on the other, the more individualised youth of today, prefer to agreater extent not to participate under the conventional circumstances that partypolitics has to offer.

This essay is about the massive Iranian aid to Hezbollah and the Saudi Arabian, likewise, towards the Taliban. The main view is that the two countries aid respective aid to Hezbollah and the Taliban is/were not a gesture of goodwill but rather an economic method of getting influence and controlling the receiver. This view that is based on a theory called; economic statecraft. The economic statecraft theory is used in this paper to investigate why Iran?s influence towards Hezbollah has been successful while the Saudis ambitions with the Taliban have failed.

The following essay studies the change in the use of terminology pertaining to socioeconomic categorising in public political material, and how this relates to ideological changes in politics. The aim is to determine which expressions government commission reports have used after the Second World War to classify citizens in social and economic groups, and subsequently, to link the understanding of these terms to the development of Swedish welfare politics. Welfare politics in Sweden have experienced a transition in a liberal and economistic direction that is reflected in the commission reports? choices of words and phrases ? thus studying the altering terminology can increase understanding of the ideological change. My methodology is grounded in ideology critique where I examine how dominant ideology is reproduced in public political documents.

In this study we have examined how men and women are heard on Sveriges Televisions program Debatt. Debatt broadcast on Sveriges Televison which is a public service broadcaster. Through the use of a quantitative content analysis and a dialogical approach, we have documented how many men and women who speak, how they speak, how long they have the word and the subjects they will be heard in, in the program Debatt. We have investigated the ten last broadcast programs from the fallseason 2011. Every program is 45 minutes long and contains from two to three discussiontopics each time. By categorizing our survey and enter the result in four different tables, we found that the majority, 63%, of those that are heard are men.

The Golden Arches Theory of Conflict Prevention stipulerade att länder med McDonald's inte bekrigar varandra. Uppsatsen undersöker varför denna hypotes falsifierades efter att ha varit giltig i 32 år. Med i första hand kvantitativa metoder identifieras ett antal utslagsgivande faktorer för att ett land ska få McDonald?s. Det konstateras att demokrati förr var en mycket viktig faktor men idag helt upphört att var det, medan närheten till USA idag är viktigare än någonsin förr.