Denna rapport behandlar hur framställningen av ledarskap ser ur ett teoretiskt könsperspektiv. Genom att analysera tidningarna "Chef" och "Dagens Samhälle" med hjälp av kritisk diskursanalys som metodredskap synliggörs i denna rapport den manliga normen som en dominerande del i den sociala och kulturella konstruktionen av ledarskap, detta har även format framställning av manliga respektive kvinnliga ledare. Under analysen framkommer det tydliga mönster i framställningen av de båda könen, där manliga ledare och deras ledaregenskaper betonas som ner naturliga och ofta med en koppling till deras respektive sportsliga karriärer och bakgrund. För de kvinnliga ledarna sker en generell koppling mellan deras ledaregenskaper och deras privata sfär så som familjen, olika relationer och deras barndom. De kvinnliga ledarna och deras karriärväg fram till den ledande positionen framställ som mindre naturliga..

In this thesis the aim is to explore the connection between International presence and Reconstruction of Postconflict states. The focus in this Analyse is the concept of CIMIC which is the institutional concept of Civil-Military Co-operation in International relations and a concept in Peacebuilding Theory. The cases, which are the empirical Material, is Afghanistan and Kosovo, two most-different cases.The theoretical framework is primarily consider the mechanisms successful for the Reconstruction process in general and within CIMIC in particular. This framework including both theories of State failure and International administered Territories as well as Models for Civil- Military Co-operation.The International presence in Postconflict Societies plays a big role, even thou it is very important that initiatives for rebuilding comes from the state within. The essence of CIMIC is the civil component and the military, operating in Peacebuilding and Reconstruction missions.

This master thesis is about art activity in the public library. The essay takes its starting point from Government cultural political directives and my purpose has been to study how these are followed up in the municipal level. My survey takes place at the main library of Flen in the county of Södermanland. What I am looking for is, what the art activity looks like, what is decided regarding it and what the strategies are. Furthermore I look into how library visitors understand and participate in the art activity.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the political ambitions regarding culture inVärmland, and the situation for artists living on the countryside in Värmland. This meansthat the conditions surronding the artists situation will be looked upon. I have chosen thepolitical document Kulturplanen, created by Region Värmland, as my guideline to whatkind of political view there is on art and cultures role in the region. Furthermore, I havechosen Pierre Bourdieu`s theory about art as a field controlled by and under the influenceof different rules within the filed itself and what or whom has the power to act and be apart of the filed. I also use interviews as my method for this study.

Vi redogör för psykologiska förklaringar till hur identiteter påverkar gruppers benägenhet att sluta sig samman under yttre hot. Vad vi intresserar oss för är vad detta har fått för resultat i väpnade konflikter. Många bedömare menar att de väpnade konflikterna efter det kalla krigets slut uppvisar en aldrig tidigare grymhet människor emellan. Hur är denna möjlig?Med resonemangen om gruppidentiteter som utgångspunkt söker vi utreda vad forskningsvärlden säger om möjligheterna till försoning mellan tidigare fiendegrupperingar.

Vi behandlar prostitutionen i Thailand genom att undersöka hur den prostituerades roll har konstruerats i samhället. Empiriskt använder vi oss av en thailändsk statlig rapport, som svarar på FN-avdelningen CEDAWs antidiskrimineringskonvention. I denna rapport redogörs för kvinnorättssituationen i landet. Med feministisk teori gör vi en kvalitativ textanalys för att klarlägga den politiska diskursen kring den prostituerades roll och hur denna har formats. Utifrån vår analys konstaterar vi att den prostituerade hamnar i ett stigma där hon beroende på situationen identifieras som antingen en promiskuös agent med personliga ekonomiska incitament eller som ett hjälplöst offer.

Den 8 augusti 1995 tog USA:s president Bill Clinton ett beslut att försöka skapa fred i Bosnien. Beslutet skulle komma att ha betydelse för USA:s fortsatta roll i europeisk politik efter kalla kriget. Vi argumenterar för hur beslutet kan ses som ett strategiskt val men också för hur självständiga organisationers möjligheter och begränsningar samt viljestarka individer gjorde beslutet möjligt.Vi använder oss av Graham Allisons tre modeller: rational actor, organizational behavior och governmental politics för att analysera Clintons beslut. Tillsammans med tillgänglig kritik av dessa modeller hittar vi både för- och nackdelar med Allisons ansatser i fallet Bosnien och kommer fram till att modellernas interrelation både underlättar och försvårar vårt fall. Vi hittar också svårigheter med att använda modell 1 i en unipolär värld.Slutsatsen är att alla tre modellerna krävs för att fullständigt förstå varför USA agerade som de gjorde i slutfasen av Bosnienkriget..

The overall purpose with this thesis has been to study the strategic development of the Swedish Green Party, Miljöpartiet de Gröna. From its first appearance in the Swedish parliament 1988 to its decision to cooperate with the Social Democrats and the Left Party in 1998, the Greens has gone from a radical antiparty to a pragmatic support party. The analysis has concentrated towards identifying the causal factors behind this strategic move made by the Greens, and to determine how this party change has affected the party's strategic goals. In order to do so, a qualitative case study has been conducted where an integrated theoretical approach has been used. By studying official statements and internal debates the thesis concludes that the strategic change made by the Greens was due to the evolvement of a new dominant coalition of within the party.

Studies have found that the applicability of commercial marketing strategies within politics have increased in recent years as a result of a rising number of swing voters. The purpose of this paper was to investigate the effects of the commercial theory of incongruent information in political marketing in Sweden. Subsequently, an experiment with 742 participants was conducted, testing the effects of congruent and incongruent ad messages for two established Swedish parties. The effect of ad message choice on several well-established measures of ad effectiveness such as awareness, credibility, attitude, conviction and voting intentions was analyzed. The results showed that incongruent information effectively increases attitude, conviction and voting intention for voters who decide on the election day what party to vote for.

This thesis deals with the theories of ecological and environmental justice and applies them onto Swedish politics. Confronting the divide in the literature between anthropocentric and ecocentric perspectives, its aim is to seek points of agreement within this important field of environmental politics. In the theoretical discussion, definitions are made of the concepts sustainability, justice and responsibility. These definitions try to link ecological and environmental justice arguments with a focus on the global level.The object of analysis is the former Swedish governments? bill ?Common responsibility: Swedish politics for global development? which was accepted in 2003.

When gender-related refugee claims was ratified in the Swedish asylum law the 31 of March this year (2006) it opened the door for women with this specific refugee status to receive asylum in Sweden. The aim of this thesis has been to investigate how these specific female refugees are represented and described in the asylum process. The focus has been the construction of identity concerning these women in the Officials discourse at the Immigration department. The theoretical framework has been a critical discourse analysis regarding the exercise of power and dominance connected to the construction of identity.An understanding of the women with gender-related refugee claims as the Others has been perceived through the Officials discourse. Female refugees which have been exposed to persecution that occur in our part of the world (rape, wife abuse, etc.) are treated differently and much more restrictive, compared to women exposed to so called culture specific oppression (e.g.

Bullying is a significant workplace problem, a fact highlighted both by companies, government and social science. The purpose of this master thesis was to examine if workplace bullying is a result of group processes. This is a theory-based master thesis. A search of literature on bullying, mobbing and harassment was done in a database called ELIN, Electronic Library Information Navigator, connected to Lund University and 414 articles were singled out. The summary of the articles were studied and according to a list of criteria, I choose to study some of the articles in more depth.

This essay is a discourse and a feminist theoretical analysis that focuses on the alternative discourse that we consider Feminist Initiative to be constitutive of. Our theoretical stance, with base in Laclau and Mouffes discourse theory, builds on the notion that reality is characterised by conflicts between different competing discursive formations and that the social is an endless struggle over the preferential right of interpretation of meaning. More specifically, the essay focuses on the discursive struggle over the meaning of the term politics. It is our understanding that the dominant perception of politics necessarily excludes other understandings, which can according to Eduards, be explained as a consequence of a patriarchal distribution of power that renders the subordination of certain understandings of politics accordingly. Feminist Initiative, as an alternative discourse, can therefore be perceived as a threat to the dominating discourse of politics, which in order to maintain its preferential right of interpretation seek to illegitimatise and depoliticise the politics that the alternative discourse represents.

Nerikes Allehanda publicerade år 2007 konstnären Lars Vilks teckning av profeten Muhammed som rondellhund. Publiceringen följdes av en debatt i media angående yttrandefrihet.Vårt syfte är att presentera klarhet i debatten och den metod vi har valt att använda är en beskrivande idéanalys. Vårt analysverktyg är fyra dimensioner där vi har kategoriserat tidningsartiklar efter åsiktsinriktning för att urskilja idéer som från början inte varit självklara.Då ständig diskussion om demokratiska värden är viktigt har vi även valt att fråga oss huruvida denna debatt har tillfört den svenska demokratin något värdefullt. För att besvara detta har vi utgått från Ulf Petäjäs forskning om yttrandefrihet.Vår undersökning visar att yttrandefrihet är ett värde som många verkar ta för givet, samt att det saknas kunskap om detta värde, vilket i sig inte är bra för demokratin. Avslutningsvis efterlyser vi mer forskning i ämnet, då denna okunskap kan bero på avsaknaden av detta..

In this bachelor thesis my main purpose is to examine the ethical legitimacy of economic sanctions, by assessing the humanitarian consequences this type of actions create. I will do this by a closer examination of the two historic cases of South Africa and Haiti. The humanitarian consequences will then be measured against my chosen theories, to help answer my main questions. The theories I have been working with is the broader interpretation of the just-war theory; the just-sanctions theory, and two major metaethical theories.The result I found after the finished examination of the chosen cases, are that economic sanctions and morality doesn?t necessarily match.