Hammarskjöld och Boutros-Ghalis effektiva ledarskap inom FN analyseras. Teorierna som används är path-goal teorin och Greensteins teori. Genom dessa finner vi utgångspunkterna för analysen, vilka är: generalsekreterarnas administrativa arbete, val av lösningar i kris- och konfliktsituationer samt deras relationer med medlemsstaterna. Utifrån dessa tre kategoriseringar analyserar vi sedan deras effektivitet genom användandet av indikatorer från Greensteins teori. Stor tyngdpunkt ligger på den empiriska framställningen av deras respektive karriär som generalsekreterare.

Vellinge is one of few municipalities in Sweden that refuses to accept refugees. The subject of this thesis is to find out how the local politicians in Vellinge make their considerations when they decide not to welcome refugees. The analysis uses the representation theory as a starting point. The two ideals of the representative role, either as a bound mandate or as a free independent role, is the base of the analysis. Vellinge is in the analysis compared to Lomma, a very similar municipality in southern Sweden that for a long time alsohas refused to accept refugees, however suddenly in 2007 decided to change their mind.

This essay focuses on the theory of classical realism from two points of views. Realism is often told to be quite immoral and cynical and only interested in the power relations among nations. In the first part I am arguing that this picture is wrong and should be revised. By using the ethical theories of deontology and utilitarianism I am arguing that both these perspectives can be used to analyse classical realism. By defining a value that should be guiding one can assert that realism is a good moral theory.

The goal of this essay is to analyse how women belonging to a right wing political discourse talk about feminism and equality. This analysis will be used to determine if right wing feminism exists. The analysis is based on Laclau and Mouffe´s  discourse theory as the primary base. The focus is articulation, antagonism and hegmony; the central terms of Laclau and Moffe´s theroy. The material consists of five interviews with representatives of women wings of liberal political in Sweaden; Liberala kvinnor, Centerkvinnor and Moderatkvinnor.The study shows that there are different opinions regarding feminism in the liberal political discouse, and that those opinions have an antagonistic relationship.

A violent conflict emerged in the Indonesian province of Aceh in 1976, with the rebels of the Free Aceh Movement, GAM, on one side, and the Indonesian government on the other. GAM demanded Aceh to become independent, but the Indonesian government did not accept their nationalistic claims. The conflict therefore lasted for almost thirty years, and many civilians were killed during this period. This essay deals with this particular conflict; its causes and its solution. In the centre of the analysis we find theidentity of the Acehnese people, and the way in which this identity has beenconstructed and re-constructed throughout the history.

I denna uppsats utreds om det otydligt definierade begreppet mångfald kan överföras från visioner i kulturpolitiska dokument till handling i Malmös kultursektor. Som förklaringsmodell används Nils Brunssons teori om organisatoriskt hyckleri. Uppsatsen är uppdelad i två delar, varav den första behandlar hur det talas om mångfald i några styrande kulturpolitiska dokument medan den andra behandlar mångfaldsbegreppets överförande till handling.I del ett konstateras, med hjälp av en textanalys som har sin utgångspunkt i tidigare kulturpolitisk forskning, att begreppet mångfald förekommer i två sammanhang: i den första betonas kulturell artrikedom och i den andra identitetspolitisk grupptillhörighet, främst etnisk sådan. I del två undersöks arbetet med mångfald i Malmös kultursektor med hjälp av en analys av samtalsintervjuer.Slutligen konstateras att begreppet mångfald, under förutsättning att definitionen kommer inifrån verksamheten, kan överföras från prat till handling..

This essay concerns the notion of how immigration politics, defined as a political discursive structure that explains and justifies how and why the movement of people into a state's territory is restricted and controlled, has come to present its purpose not as solidarity with the 'immigrants' wanting to enter the state but as a protective measure for the state's citizens. By using discourse theory combined with theories from the International Relations field I attempt to explain why and how such a discourse positions 'immigrants' as a threat to the state.First, I concentrate on why an immigration politics discourse would position 'immigrants' as a threat. I argue that in order for people to construct their identity, the 'outside' what they "are not" has to be repressed. In the same way, the state has to dislocate the "outside" and create threats to uphold its supremacy. These boundaries are set to create a feeling of predictability and security, and ultimately they are a way of making peoples' "world" coherent.

For the last decades, Sweden has transformed from a state with strong elements of corporatism, to a governance of pluralistic character. This development has opened up to a new form of participation ? lobbyism ? which since has spread and commercialized. Because of this, a report on the state of Swedish democracy ? Demokratiutredningen ? was issued to examine the phenomenon of lobbyism as it was feared to challenge the functioning of a representative democracy.

This thesis is using the theory of participatory democracy to show how one can work to increase the participation in the society, between elections as well as during elections. For a couple of years now many traditional democratic countries have been struggling with low voting rates. Hence this, I find it interesting to study what has been done to cope with this problem. The government in Sweden had a project working on how to make more people involved in the democratic process, especially people that to a lesser extent participate in this process. In this thesis two projects will be studied, Möllevångsgruppen and Unga väljer Miljö i Malmö.

This thesis uses the ?What's the problem?-approach developed by Carol LeeBacchi. This approach studies how the problem that a certain policy is supposedto take care of is represented. Each representation will rest upon certainassumptions and will accordingly support certain solutions while other solutionswill be considered less suitable to the problem as it is represented.The thesis therefore evaluates the competing problem representations forgender mainstreaming in Sweden. The theory chapter explores two developmentpossibilities for gender mainstreaming, based on diversity and deliberativedemocracy.

In the expansion rate of the national as well as the international market, the importance of trademark has been given a central matter. The definition of what can be considered a trademark has been widened. Today?s trademark law defines a trademark as something that can be graphically reproduced. Trademarks can there for contain names, words, numbers, letters or the shape of the goods itself or the packaging.

Mot bakgrund av Lipsets moderniseringsteori undersöker vi strukturella orsaker till varför Kuwait, Ryssland och Turkiet inte genomgått en transition till demokrati, trots en relativt hög grad av modernisering och ekonomisk utveckling efter kalla krigets slut. Vi problematiserar begreppet ekonomisk utveckling och diskuterar olika demokratidefinitioner och demokratiklassificeringar. Utifrån tidigare forskning formulerar vi åtta hypoteser som vi i vår analys prövar på våra analysobjekt. Vår analys resulterar i att Kuwait och Rysslands ekonomiska utveckling inte har bidragit med ökning av demokratisering men däremot har utvecklingen stabiliserat regimerna. Turkiets differentiella ekonomiska utveckling medförde att resultatetet för landet blev olika.

I denna uppsats undersöks tre stadsplaneringsprocesser i Lunds kommun ? en trafikled genom stadskärnan på 1960-talet, det s.k. Genombrottet; en forskningsby på 1980-talet, Ideon; och en större forskningsanläggning på 2000-talet, ESS ? med avseende på diskursiva spänningar och förändringar i den politiska processen.Studien visar att stadsplaneringsdiskursen har förändrats från att ha karaktär av rationalistisk funktionalism, där ?objektiva? och ?vetenskapliga? kriterier är viktiga, till en postmodern funktionsintegrerande planering med nyckelord som ?kultur?, ?ekologi? och ?upplevelser?. Samtidigt har den politiska processen förändrats från att ha haft ett stort inslag av linjära styrsystem: politikerna sätter målen, tjänstemännen bereder, politikerna fattar beslut ? raka rör ? till mer uppluckrade strukturer med inslag av nätverksstyrning ? trådlösa nätverk ? där rollfördelningen mellan politiker och tjänstemän förändras utan att styrkeförhållandena dem emellan nödvändigtvis gör det..

Regionalization has become a catchphrase in European countries during the last twenty years with the establishment of the European Union. An ideational development has occurred during time towards emphasing more politicially powerful regions with the idea of new regionalism. Sweden represents a deviant case study, where regions historically have been politically weak and where Sweden has been characterized as a strong unitary state. The aim of this paper is to analyze the political debate in the Swedish parliament concerning the implementation of a stronger regional level (storregioner) during 2007-2010 and to determine if the debate can be characterized as a case of depoliticalization. The theory of depoliticalization have been introduced by Richard Katz and Peter Mair to explain why political parties through external pressure from europeanisation and globalization tend to become more consensual with similar political agendas, leading to a diminished the lef-right scale.

The number of blogs, from weblogs, are increasing every day. Blogs are also becoming more visible in the public debate as well as the awareness of their existance is rising among politicians and citizens. The aim of this thesis is to answer the question what democratic potential blogs can have. This question will be answered by initially studying the research that exists today about weblogs and democracy. The second part of the analysis consists of a selection of texts from weblogs that touches this subject.