Medier i Finland har skrivit mycket om vart pengarna går när det skänks till en välgörenhetsorganisation. Uppsatsen ämnar besvara frågor om hur välgörenhetsorganisationer arbetar för att öppna upp sin verksamhet för insyn för att på så vis synliggöra sitt ansvarstagande samt om det finns problem med att skapa transparens. Uppsatsens syfte är således att beskriva hur en välgörenhetsorganisation kan skapa legitimitet för sitt arbete genom transparens. Tre viktiga begrepp beskrivs: transparens, ansvarighet och legitimitet. Även olika kanaler beskrivs genom vilka välgörenhetsorganisationer kan öka öppenheten.

Politics in today's society unfolding more and more in the media, but the media content is limited. Therefore, the media must constantly make choices, choices which are specific to each object. The purpose of this study is to examine how Olof Palme is portrayed as a politician and private individual in the documentary film Palme - älskad och hatad, and also how Carl Bildt is portrayed as a politician and private individual in the documentary film Bildt - excellensen.To study the documentary films I use a qualitative textual analysis with a focus on a narrative analysis. In the narrative analysis, I have been inspired by the categoricalcontent- based approach to study the documentary films. In my analysis, with the help of theories of mediatization of politics, documentaries and stories, I interpret and analyze the films to make them more understandable.The conclusions of the study is that Palme in his role as a politician is portrayed as a humane person who cares about the individual.

The empirical material of this study consisted of tweets by four leading politicians in Sweden: Carl Bildt of Nya Moderaterna, Annie Lo?o?f of Centerpartiet, A?sa Romson of Miljo?partiet and Jonas Sjo?stedt of Va?nsterpartiet. The aim of the study was to examine how they use Twitter as a political tool and what that says of the mediatization of politics. What content did they publish, how did the content differentiate between them and what political messages and other subjects occurred in their tweets? Does the political debate become fragmented because they?re only allowed to use 140 characters on Twitter? The theoretical framework and method applied for the research was based upon critical discourse analysis (CDA), with special interest in ideology and mediatized discourse.The result of the study showed that the content they published consisted mostly of criticism towards political opponents, rather than of independent political opinions.

Trade is the driving force for economic development. A greater equity in international trade can improve the livelihoods and the well being of producers in developing countries. The small-scale farmers have limited resources and have difficulties to get access to the international market. As a result of this, the Fair Trade movement has been developed and has now formed a trading partnership between the producer and the consumer. This study analyses if the Fair Trade movement can be a way for the workers in developing countries to achieve more justice in their production manner in the international trade of cut flowers and continue to be an important competitor of these products, but with better livelihood conditions. My method has been to do a comprehensive literature study of the Fair Trade movement, in which I describe the certification process, and the market of Fair Trade in Sweden.

A group of scientist, called the council of democracy in Sweden made a predictionabout members of political parties, in 2013 members should not exist. In this essaythat statement going to be questioned. It shows that most of the political parties losesmembers in Sweden. The only differences from year 2000 and now is that in 14 yearsthe parties has lost 65000 members, between 1991-1999 it was about 220000members. Something has changed.

The aim of this thesis has been to study the development of Ordfront förlag from their foundation in 1969 until today, concerning their publishing profile and their size. Ordfront started out as a small publishing house and is today one of the few middle sized publishing houses in Sweden. Their books focus on questions concerning society, debate and politics. The question posed in this thesis was: What has influenced Ordfront förlag concerning size and publishing profile? In order to answer our question we have used a system analytic method, in which we examined some external and internal elements.

The object of this paper is concerned with the subject youth and politics. The aim of the paper is to study what influence our today modern societies has between two social landscapes, Greece and Sweden and try to give an explanation to why young peoples political engagement is different in the two countries. To fulfil my aim of this paper I have used a few questions, these questions will give me an insight in how young people look at politics, what their interests are and if they feel that they can and ought to act political. The theoretical starting points I?ve used I?ve chosen with reflection to look at the social landscape we live in and its changes over time.

The purpose with this essay is to examine how arts and politics integrate to raise urgent messages and call upon social changes. Performance art as an artistic manifestation against the surveillance society has been studied to clarify this integration and through an empirical examination of the anarchistic performance group The Surveillance Camera Players. This group formed in New York City 1996 as a manifestation against the increased use of surveillance cameras in public places in Manhattan. Through performance in front of these cameras, The Surveillance Camera Players are able to express their protest against the surveillance society which, occurring to them, violates citizens constitutionally right to privacy. The development and signification of the surveillance society are examined through theoretical perspective by foremost Michel Foucault, but also by contemporary scientist in that field.

This essay is a case study about the Swedish Armed Forces during the years 1988-2004; when it transformed from a force constructed to meet an invasion, to an international force with the primary mission to help subdue conflicts around the world. The essay uses texts and documents to examine what happened between these years and to find out what drove that change.By asking the questions A) ?What happened between the years 1988-2004?? and B) ?What is the difference between the Armed Forces in 1988 and in 2004??, it is possible to also ask C)?Why did the Swedish Armed Forces change??.The essay is divided into three main parts; 1) a theory-part focused on three main theories of international relations: liberalism, realism, and constructivism, 2) a historical case study examining the evolvement of the Armed Forces during these years, and 3) a conclusions section that uses thethree theories of international relations to examine why this change happened.In examining the historical period and making conclusions about the differences between these years it was also necessary to construct a scale of military power, on which the historical case study is based..

In this thesis I have used post-colonial theory to analyze the Uyghurs, a Muslim minority group located in Xinjiang province in the Northwest of China, and their identity shaping process in relation to the dominating Han Chinese. I have analyzed the possibilities to use the power perspectives in post-colonial theory, especially Edward Said's Orientalism and the creation of the Other in a new context, where the main focus is on the Uyghurs through the eyes of Han Chinese. I have argued that Han Chinese, with colonial tendencies, have created two generalizing pictures of the Uyghurs; one romantic picture to use as an exotic tourist attraction and one threatening picture that portray Uyghurs as Islamic terrorists to win support in International politics. The thesis is a qualitative single case study with the aim of gaining a deeper understanding for the Uyghurs as well as examine possibilities of widening the analyze areas for post-colonialism. My conclusion is that the power perspectives in post-colonial theory are usable implements also for non-western contexts and in this case function as a way to understand the identity shaping process for the Uyghurs and their relation to Han Chinese..

The aim of this Master's thesis is to study what place public libraries have in local politics, particularly from the point of view of the politicians. To answer this, I have interviewed politicians, participated as a silent observer of a public debate, and studied articles on library politics in newspapers and other press. The results show that politicians in general have a positive view of libraries and good co-operation with library professionals, and that they have a fairly up-to-date view of libraries. They are, however, less interested in library issues in general, and are often complacent with the way things are already running. The newspaper studies show that library issues are usually only discussed when a specific library is somehow in danger.

The purpose of this Master?s thesis is to perform a user oriented evaluation of the International Library?s website. The questions posed in this study are; for what purpose do the users in this study turn to the International Library?s website; what does the users information searching process consist of when visiting the site; how does navigation, layout and content effect the users satisfaction with the website; do the users in this study consider that the International Library?s website can be improved and if so, how? The study was performed with a user oriented approach where six qualitative interviews with librarians who use the website were conducted. These interviews were analysed using Brenda Dervin?s Sense making-theory and Leclercq?s theory about user satisfaction.

Due to the increasing international operations for the Swedish Armed Forces these new types of opponents needs new tools to cope with these commitments. A couple of years ago the Swedish Armed Forces had no non-lethal weapons, but today the Swedish soldier has a number of tools to choose from.The purpose of this paper is for the reader to get a presentation of which non-lethal weapons are used today by the Swedish Armed Forces and a sample of what non-lethal weapons are out on the market today. My main question is which non-lethal weapons do the Swedish Armed Forces? miss in their non-lethal capabilities set.I have collected information from a wide selections of sources like reports from the Swedish Defence Research Agency, the Swedish Armed Forces? own regulations and the Internet. The information is then processed and divided into five chapters: The development of non-lethal weapons, description of technologies, non-lethal weapons in the Swedish Armed Forces, Non-lethal weapons on the market and Results.This paper is limited to handheld, portable and man to man non-lethal weapons, all non-lethal weapons in the Swedish Armed Forces or on the international market are not covered.My conclusion is that the Swedish Armed Forces should acquire three 40 mm projectiles, one 12-gauge projectile and one TASER®..

Gender politics in Sweden is considered unique because gender policies (jämställdhet) are integrated into national politics and politicised both in the public and the private sphere. The Swedish case is therefore considered a role model by many feminist scholars.This view has been criticised by both post modern feminists and public administration scholars. Critics imply that the increased immigration and more heterogeneous population have led to a new challenge for state institutions. The Swedish model, with its universal welfare solutions, lacks the ability to recognise differences within groups. Universal solutions that treat everyone the same is no longer the most just way to treat people.The growing use of goal orientation in Swedish public administration has increased the civil servants discretion in the implementation process, and thereby the space for differentiated treatment.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka två samtida svenska filmfestivaler, Göteborg International Film Festival och Malmö Arab Film Festival, utifrån två teoretiska perspektiv på filmfestivalen med den mer övergripande målsättningen att bidra till ett spirande och stadigt växande forskningsfält kring filmfestivalen i den nationella kontexten. De aktuella festivalerna inringar i förhållandevis god mån den svenska filmfestivalflorans allsidighet; en omfångsrik historisk publik festival respektive en smalare tematisk nykomling.                      De teoretiska perspektiven innefattar festivalen betraktad som en del av ett internationellt nätverk utifrån Thomas Elsaessers och Marijke de Valcks definition, samt som en kulturell yttring av föreställda gemenskaper. Med utgångspunkt i dessa teoretiska positioner kommer festivalerna granskas med fokus på dess uppkomst, visioner och agenda, filmprogram, publik, ekonomisk beskaffenhet och liknande kontextualiserade förhållanden.                      För Göteborg International Film Festival utgör spridningen av filmkultur, de huvudsakliga fundamenten i dess målsättningar och agenda, i synnerhet med fokus på nordisk film, medan tematiken, den arabiska kulturen, utgör det bärande för Malmö Arab Film Festival. Göteborg International Film Festival uppvisar i samstämmighet med de nätverksteoretiska perspektiven på festivalen en mångfacetterad beskaffenhet av filmceremoni, marknadsplats, internationell plattform och tävlingsmästerskap, i kontrast till Malmö Arab Film Festival där festivalens textur är mer komplex än föreliggande bestämningar. Båda festivalerna har uppstått i den post-industriella staden och dess återskapande som centrum för kreativitet, kultur och kunskap.                      Malmö Arab Film Festival adresserar en uppenbar arabisk (föreställd) gemenskap i sitt tematiska fokus.