This thesis examines the possibility of Bolivian Indigenous women?s social movements? getting their demands of a gender equal society fulfilled in the new state which was initiated in 2005 when Evo Morales became the first president representing the Indigenous people of the country. By using a qualitative method I have showed that although the Bolivian Indigenous women?s social movements? historically has been significant political actors for social change in the country, with representation at both regional and national level, Bolivian women are still subordinated in the social and political sphere. By applying a feminist intersectional perspective which takes its point of departure in a understanding of power as multidimensional, where gender, ethnicity and class are constitutive principals, multiculturalism theories and a social movements theory framework, I have found that even if institutional changes, that opened the system increased the Indigenous women?s social movements political participation in Bolivia, power structures based on gender limited their possibilities to influence both socially and politically.

The aim of this thesis has been to analyze and interpret several different discourses in Japan and from the findings see how the Ainu people and their existence in Japan have been defined in today's Japan and in who's interest it is to keep it this way. My findings was that the Japanese nation in all channels of society are reinforcing and perpetuating the belief that it constitutes an ethnically homogenous nation and that there exists no ethnic problems in the country. I found that schoolbooks don?t give adequate information about the Ainu people and its history, and the Japanese press is reinforcing the status quo by their selective silence and limited coverage on issues concerning the Ainu. The government has defined and legitimized the problem of Ainu within the framework of culture and tradition.

Bolivia is a multiethnic country where the Indigenous people constitute the majority of the population. Despite two decades of attempts to take the democracy further is its foundation more volatile than ever. The aim of this bachelor thesis is to examine if exclusion is taken place in Bolivia from year 1982 until today and if so in which way political exclusion constitute problems of democracy in Bolivia. The answer depends on the understanding of democracy used in the analysis. In this thesis I use theories of process-, participation- and deliberative democracy.

A common phenomena in descriptions of Western mission initiatives to the South is theoverrepresentation of depictions of the missionaries and underrepresentation of theIndigenous people. It is fair to say that there is a need for new perspectives. This thesisinvestigates the agency of the Indigenous people in the Scandinavian Pentecostal mission inTanganyika 1932-1945. It highlights roles and areas of their participation which seldomoccur in western mission biographies, but were tanganyikan people played a crucial part,such as evangelisation, church planting and the forming of contextualized theology. Thepentecostal theology and mission praxis contributed to a large degree to shape that agency..

The principal questions that are high lightened in this study are: How is the discrimination of the Indigenous people in Latin-America represented in the works of Jose María Arguedas and Miguel Angel Asturias? How are these two authors interrelated in terms of the defense of a cultural belonging? And finally, can these be associated to Paulo Coelho?s narrative content and techniques?This work shows how, as Nelson Gonzalez-Ortega names it, a narrative discourse of resistance (based on the consequences of the cultural merging of the European and Latin-American people) is expressed and transformed into modern literature. It shows how the works of these authors protect and transmit the interests and the cultural origins of the Latin-American Indigenous people. These origins are expressed by language, myths, storytelling techniques and the presentation of an alternative perspective of the world. It also shows, through analysis of their writing, how some of these authors as dual cultural human beings struggled to balance the two cultural elements they are constituted of.Focus will be on Asturias Hombrez de Maiz, Arguedas Los ríos profundos and Coelhos 11 minutos and El Zahir..

The aim of this study was to isolate and identify Lactobacillus species Indigenous to the gastrointestinal microflora of Swedish horses. These lactobacilli are to be used as probiotic candidates in research concerning antibiotic-associated diarrhoea in horses. Eight horses, age 6-10 years, were selected from a riding school for collection of faeces samples. Man Rogosa Sharp medium and gram staining were used for the selection of supposed lactobacilli. We could identify 33 isolates of supposed lactobacilli. With the use of API tests 22 of these 33 isolates could be identified.

This paper develops a theory for understanding negotiation situations involving states and Indigenous peoples. Using relevant constructivist theory as a starting point, the paper develops a theory about understanding the relationship between power and culture implicit in the concept of the state. This relationship is examined in negotiations situations involving states and Indigenous peoples. States are constituted by social structure and are representatives of the national culture. At the same time states are actors within the international system and a part of the culture of Westphalia.

Narratives about UFO:s and extraterrestrials can be regarded as part of an everyday religiosity, yet the issue has been poorly studied outside an American context, within the discipline of Religious Studies. In this paper, I therefore seek knowledge about the further development of these narratives within the Swedish UFO-movement from the 1960?s until today. Influenced by social anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss´ discussion about mythems as the smallest components of a myth, I argue that the stories which emerge within the Swedish context differ from the American ones. This difference consists of both loss of certain mythemes and the addition of others to this mythic complex.

Due to the forest industry downsizing, many communities in rural forest regions in Canada and Sweden are facing problems to survive. In order to create community sustainability, resilience and well-being in remote forest regions, the view on the forest resources has shifted towards multiple use, through the concept of sustainable forest management (SFM). Beside the economic and ecological elements of sustainability, the social forest values are needed, contributing to the human well-being, local participation, stakeholder collaboration, human rights and cultural connection. In this thesis the embodiment of the social component of SFM within Prince Albert Model Forest (Canada), and Vilhelmina Model Forest (Sweden) will be examined. Being partners and facing similar challenges as rural boreal forest regions, the two model forests are compared through analysis of projects and activities, conducted interviews and organization documents. Looking at projects mentioned as successful by the interviewees, they all have elements from the social values of SFM. The direction can be explained by the introduction of the Forest Communities Program in Canada, demanding the Model Forests to work towards community stability and resilience, the Model Forest organization concept itself and the way global focus are increasing around social forest values. In the future, it may be important that the role of the MFs enable some kind of political authorization and legitimacy in order to improve conflict solving and Indigenous rights equality.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur mediebevakningen av Kallak-konflikten sett ut och hur samiska intressen och värden gjorts förståeliga i och genom bevakningen av konflikten. Metoden som har använts är det diskursanalytiska logikperspektivet, vilket strukturerar materialet genom att identifiera och beskriva de logiker som används för att förstå situationen. Teorin är baserad på internationell forskning kring ursprungsfolk som behandlar hur marken förstås och värderas, och även behandlar vilka större komplexa implikationer en markkonflikt kan ha för ursprungsfolk. Analysen består av citat eller utdrag ur tidningsartiklar, och i slutsatsen diskuterar jag de tre större logikerna som har identifierats i materialet: Ekonomilogiken, Miljölogiken och Rättighetslogiken..

The Saami, a Nordic Indigenous people scattered over four countries, has for centuries been regarded as parts of the national populations of the countries in which they live. During the 19th century saami demands for greater influence resulted en several changes, among them the founding of a Swedish Saami Council in 1993. The council became a popularly elected, representative institution with an agenda of its own, but also a public authority answerable to the government. The decision to attribute the council this twofold role was unusual and, from a certain point of view, even controversial: it makes it difficult to determine the location of the power to act in saami-related issues and the legitimacy to do so.This essay is about how the twofold role came into existence, what it leads to and how the seemingly contradictive duality is managed. It has an institutional approach with theories concerning institutions and etnicity as well as institutional change and handling of complicated and ambiguous demands.

With ever-increasing environmental problems in the world, I have with this thesis aimed at studying how the Inuit people of the Arctic organize themselves around the issue of environmental degradation. In focus for this thesis is the organization Inuit Circumpolar Conference (ICC), an NGO that focuses on saving and protecting the social and cultural rights of the Inuit people, along with the environment in the four arctic regions. This aboriginal population has a strong connection to the environment they dwell in, as the area serves as a source of income and nutrition as well as an historically important place for their culture.I will in this thesis primarily investigate the methods of operation amongst NGOs, as well as their ability to influence and interact with the UN. These are three concepts that I, as a hypothesis, considered to distinguish ICC from other NGOs. With help from three theories about NGOs, I conclude that certain central elements of ICC differ from the average NGO, making ICC a new kind of actor in global politics..

During 2004 to 2008, The United States Marine Corps (USMC) executed counterinsurgency operations in Anbar Province with the purpose to stabilize one of the most violent areas in Iraq. The Marine Corps successfully managed to suppress the insurgency as violence dropped dramatically in late 2007. What did the marines do in order to suppress the insurgency? Why did violence drop in the province? The Marine Corps approach and procedures have been examined earlier through theories of organizational learning and adaptation. However, there is an absence of studies aiming to analyse the Marine Corps? counterinsurgency approach through the analytical lens of counterinsurgency theory.

The soybean can be used in multiple ways, and its high oil content makes it suitable for extraction. Soy bean meal, a by-product of the oil extraction, is a good source of protein with a high feeding value, and is therefore used in a number of different animal feeds. Further, soy bean meal has a low production price, which is one of the reasons for the extensive export of the product. There is a great demand for vegetable-based proteins, especially in the organic production where synthetic amino acids are banned. However, the current production of soy beans is not environmentally sound and that combined with the long transport distances amplifies the need of finding a locally produced protein source.

There are several competing views on how to best utilize air power. Following his quantitative study of air power, Robert Pape developed a theory which focuses on undermining the target state's military strategy. According to Pape it is possible to explain the outcome as a result of military vulnerability. This essay seeks to determine if Pape's theory can predict the outcome of Operation Unified Protector. By using a mixed methods approach on four hypotheses, it will be determined if the operation was a successful case of coercion, if NATO acted according to Pape's model and whether this achieved the desired effects or not. The results reveal that the theory could not successfully predict the outcome of the conflict.