Drawing on theories of ethnic representations in mainstream news media and racial discrimination (van Dijk 2000, Hultén 2006, Husband & Downing 2005, Wodak 2011), and using methods of critical discourse analysis (mainly van Dijk 1993, 1991, Fairclough 1995) this bachelor thesis aims to investigate the inter-textual and inter-discursive relationship between selected editorial and opinion pieces written by three mainstream right wing ?symbolic elites? and the xenophobic blog ?Avpixlat?. The three selected symbolic elites are: Per Gudmundsson, editorial writer at the second largest Swedish newspaper SvD, Andreas Johansson Heinö, academic with a P.H.D. in political science, specialized on issues of integration and ethnic relations, and Paulina Neuding, editorial writer at SvD and editor in chief for right-wing oriented magazine Neo. All three are actively taking part in the mediated discussion of ethnic relations in Sweden from a liberal-conservative perspective.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine and analyze why, in the case of Afghanistan, the government chose to establish a highly centralized political system, when from a democratic standpoint a less centralized system would be preferable.The time period that is examined span from 2001 when the so-called Bonn-Accord was signed, to the parliamentary elections held in 2005, a period often referred to as the Bonn-process.The theoretical framework examines both the complex relations between federalism and democracy, as well as the relation between federalism and the role of existent ethnic minorities. The theoretical framework is then used in order to explain why it would be problematic to create a federal system in Afghanistan under the present circumstances.The conclusions that can be drawn are the following: In case of the republic Afghanistan the creation and implementation of a highly centralized political system was the only possible way for the government to be able to cope and practically deal with the problems of existent ethnic antagonism and regional warlords in order to create a stable political situation in the country..

The power of news media to shape public opinion has been widely researched and acknowledged. In the globalized world of today, media representations of different ethnic groups therefore contribute to social segregation or desegregation. This thesis investigates how Spanish news media frame Spain?s most numerous minority of non-European ethnicity: the Moroccans. Using a quantitative content analysis, we have analysed about 200 news articles in the two most read Spanish online newspapers, El País and El Mundo, published during a two-year period, 2010-2012.

The focus of this study is the ways in which the discourses of the three largest right-wing populist parties in Scandinavia ? Danish Dansk Folkeparti, Norwegian Fremskrittspartiet and Swedish Sverigedemokraterna ? are articulated and on defining which individuals they include and exclude. The discourses of the three parties are compared and analyzed to determine whether they constitute specific nationalist and culturally racist discourses. The problem is addressed by applying a social constructivist theory of nationalism and cultural racism, and specifically the binary opposition ?we? and ?them?, on a material consisting of the respective parties? member magazines from 2007.

The essay, based on interviews with eight people, deals with name changes from a foreign-sounding name to Swedish-sounding name. The aim is to investigate the reasons behind the name change and whether experiences of ethnic discrimination were among these reasons. Furthermore, I explore the consequences of the name change, and whether the name change was an effective strategy to avoid ethnic discrimination. The study employs qualitative method; I carry out eight interviews with four women and four men, and analyze the empirical material by means of post-colonial theory in which categorizing, otherness and passing are significant terms. The results show that the name change takes place primarily to reduce a sense of otherness, and the discursively locked positions a foreign-sounding name creates.

The consociational democracy model in Macedonia, which came out from a warcrisis and a peace agreement from 2001, in addition, putting an end to the violent conflict, actually admits the division of the society along the ethnic lines. Paradoxically, there is an attempt to bridge the ethnic gap with this model. As a result, the consociational democracy model holds solutions that can be abused if somebody misuses its power and desires to disintegrate the country. The future development depends therefore on the moderate attitude of the citizens, and first and foremost, on the political elites and their commitment to the values of democracy and human rights instead of their nationalistic goals. Furthermore, thepresent democratic consolidation in Macedonia is established on the execution of the peace agreement and the improved effectiveness of the institutions.

The purpose of this essay, entitled ?Heja Sverige! Heia Norge?, was to study the difference in nationalistic tendencies between Swedish and Norwegian news coverage of the 2015 FIS Nordic World Ski Championships in Falun, Sweden, which took place between 18 February and 1 March 2015. It was the fourth time the event took place in Falun, previous games having been held in 1954, 1974 and 1993.I performed a critical discourse analysis of a total of twelve articles split over two race days ? one where Swedish athletes outperformed Norwegian athletes and vice versa. I did this order to study if the news coverage in each of the two countries? most promininent sports papers; Sportbladet in Sweden and VG Sport in Norway, was charaterized by a nationalistic discourse, as well as comparing the two to find similarities and differences between them.Having based my analysis on theories and previous research regarding media events, nationalism, national identities, ?us and them?, imagined communities et cetera, I came to the conclusion that a nationalistic discourse is, without a doubt, present in the news coverage ? something very unique for sports journalism as a genre.

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka vilken innebörd begreppet ?kulturkompetens? ges i litteraturen samt utifrån detta problematisera dess applicering på praktiken. Begreppet ?kulturkompetens? saknar en enhetlig definition, något som initierat skrivandet av denna uppsats. Studien bygger på en litteraturstudie i form av en kvalitativ textanalys.

Sedan Namibias självständighet 1990 är engelska landets officiella- och dominerande undervisningsspråk. Den officiella språkpolitikens mål är att skapa en enad nation genom engelskan som officiellt språk. Tidigare forskning visar emellertid att språksituationen i landet är mycket komplex. Möjliggörs eller begränsas individens vardag med engelska som officiellt språk? Hur upplevs den officiella visionen om en enad befolkning i det lokala rummet? I min studie lyfter jag fram hur den officiella språkpolitiken kan upplevas i vardagen.

The key purpose of this research has been trying to understand, and study how assyrian/syriac youth create their identity under the influence of two or several different cultures. We have also looked upon how different factors such as history, religion, language, family and school play a role in the youths identity development.We have used a qualitative method in our study where we have interviewed six assyrian/syriac youth. Because of their Christian faith the assyrian/syriac group has been forced to migrate from their countries to different parts around the world. In the new countries the group has been forced to create and live in a diasporaculture. The city Södertälje in Sweden has developed to become a metropole for this ethnic group where they have founded a substantial diasporaculture.

Syftet med den här uppsatsen har varit att undersöka på vilket sätt ICA-reklamen gestaltar Sverige. Med nationalism, myter och ideologi som teoretiska utgångspunkter syftar uppsatsen till att komma närmare hur myten om Sverige rekonstrueras i ICA:s reklamfilmer, samt vilken roll ICA har i det Sverige som framställs.Efter en förstudie på de av ICA:s reklamfilmer som sänts i TV det senaste halvåret har ett strategiskt val gjorts. Utifrån ett semiotiskt angreppssätt har en kvalitativ innehållsanalys genomförts på tre av ICA:s reklamfilmer från 2014. Analysen visar att genom användningen av tecken som symboliserar Sverige i reklamfilmerna konstrueras myter om den svenska familjen, svensken och Sverige. ICA bidrar därmed genom sina reklamfilmer till mytifieringen av Sverige.Slutsatserna dras till att genom de här tre reklamfilmerna gestaltar ICA Sverige som ett land med hälsosamma och medvetna invånare som helst äter svenskproducerad mat och lever i kärnfamiljskonstellationer.

The focus in this study is on the situation of Roma in Sweden. The purpose is to see the integration strategies that are reflected in Swedish politics, considering the inclusion of Roma. Idea analysis has been used as method, and I have analysed the text to find expressions of four different ideal types that represent four different types of integrations processes. The material consists of the government?s strategy plan for the Roma?s inclusion in Sweden between 2012-2032.

The aim of the present study is to examine the experiences from different ways of interpreting in nursing of patients that come from a different ethnic background and speak a different language than the nursing staff..

 Becoming an adoptive parent is not always easy. There are positive and negative factors affecting the parent?s experience. The aim of this study is to examine being an adoptive parent to an internationally adopted child based on association, parenthood and ethnic belonging. Frame of interpretation consists of attachment and separations, parenthood and family and ethnic origin and belonging.

In this thesis I discuss and analyse the use of violence of Basque radical nationalists after the 11th of September 2001 and the bombing of Madrid the 11th of March 2004. The field study is performed in the Basque country with interviews both on the French and Spanish side of the border with representatives from the Basque Nationalist Liberation Movement (BNLM).After the 11th of September the Spanish government continued its struggle against the countries own terror - ETA. But as the research will show the new political context after the 11/9 made it possible for the state to intensify the labelling of groups from the BNLM as terrorist organisations and thereby putting its members and leaders in prison for terrorism. My research shows that this social change may lead to a mobilisation of activists inside ETA, which in turn might create a continuity of the group's use of violence. The scenario is though challenged by an other setting in which the political situation after the 11/9 have made use of violence by militant groups like ETA illegitimate and irrational as a consequence of the mental trauma among the people of the western world.