The aim of this paper is to describe and explain how the separation between state and church effects the power relations between state and religious groups and organizations. Former state church, The Swedish church, is in this paper, not included in the definition of religious groups. The reform (?stat-kyrka reformen?) took place between 1995 and year 2000.I?m examining if religious groups had any influence on the reform. My expectation is to give a clearer picture of religious groups and its power position in Swedish politics and society.

The purpose of this thesis has been to explore in what ways Franz Kafka?s ?The Metamorphosis? can be read as a story of gender. By bringing together Judith Butler?s theory of materialization and Lennard J. Davis?s crip theory I have spoken of Dismodernity as the domain of abject bodies that have been repudiated by (post)modern societies as untintelligible and dysfunctional.

In 1975 the Indian president Indira Gandhi proclaimed the emergency period which would go on until 1977. Under this time approximately 8 million men and women were sterilized in the name of family planning. Many of them did not volunteer. This was not just an Indian con- cern because the family planning program was largely funded by international aid. The Swe- dish involvement in the program was debated 1977?1980, in what has been called ?SIDA?s Watergate?.

Det svenska väljarbeteendet har förändrats med åren. Allt fler byter mellan olika partier och beslutet för vart rösten hamnar tas allt senare in i valrörelsen. Medierna är medborgarnas främsta källa till information och den lokala dagstidningen är den källa som flest människor använder sig av. Då orienteringsbehovet är som störst bland medborgarna, som i samband med val, ökar mediernas makt att påverka. I denna studie var syftet att undersöka hur lokala medier gestaltar den politiska rapporteringen i samband med valrörelser, hur det journalistiska förhållningssättet såg ut och om det skett någon förändring över tid.

AbstractIn this thesis we analyze how institutions describe the dichotomy between ?problem? and ?resource? when dealing with young adults. We also analyze the consequences of this dichotomy as it involves the younger generation's participation and group identity in today's society. Dichotomies and New Institutionalism Theory is the base for this case study completed in Malmö, Sweden. We have done eight qualitative interviews with politicians and employees in Malmö municipality and a quantitative content analysis of reference documents from both the Malmö and Swedish governments.

Studien bygger p? 6 kvalitativa intervjuer med socialarbetare och poliser med syfte att unders?ka hur yrkesprofessionella beskriver sitt arbete och samverkan kring barn som bevittnat v?ld. Dessutom har det unders?kts huruvida de professionella upplever att det har skett en f?r?ndring i deras arbete efter inf?randet av barnfridbrottslagen. Under analysen har Lipskys teori om gr?srotsbyr?krati samt Paynes teori om paradigm inom socialt arbete anv?nts.

The purpose of this thesis has been to explore in what ways Franz Kafka?s ?The Metamorphosis? can be read as a story of gender. By bringing together Judith Butler?s theory of materialization and Lennard J. Davis?s crip theory I have spoken of Dismodernity as the domain of abject bodies that have been repudiated by (post)modern societies as untintelligible and dysfunctional.

I riksdagsvalet 2006 fick Sverige en ny regering med borgerligt styre. Förslag som utlovades i valrörelsen, särskilt från folkpartiet, som rör grundskolans senare år var bland annat att man vill införa betyg tidigare, använda sig av ett ordningsomdöme och att den ogiltiga frånvaron ska synas i betyget.Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka vad lärare och elever tycker om dessa förslag. Metoden som jag använt mig av har varit en enkätundersökning som genomförts i tre sjätteklasser och tre sjundeklasser samt att intervjua fyra lärare som tjänstgjort olika länge på grundskolans senare år. Resultatet visar att antalet elever är jämnt fördelade om de vill ha betyg tidigare eller inte medan två av tre elever vill att ett ordningsomdöme ska införas och att skolk ska synas i betyget. Någon större skillnad mellan årskurserna och mellan pojkar och flickor kunde ej uppmätas.

I riksdagsvalet 2006 fick Sverige en ny regering med borgerligt styre. Förslag som utlovades i valrörelsen, särskilt från folkpartiet, som rör grundskolans senare år var bland annat att man vill införa betyg tidigare, använda sig av ett ordningsomdöme och att den ogiltiga frånvaron ska synas i betyget.Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka vad lärare och elever tycker om dessa förslag. Metoden som jag använt mig av har varit en enkätundersökning som genomförts i tre sjätteklasser och tre sjundeklasser samt att intervjua fyra lärare som tjänstgjort olika länge på grundskolans senare år. Resultatet visar att antalet elever är jämnt fördelade om de vill ha betyg tidigare eller inte medan två av tre elever vill att ett ordningsomdöme ska införas och att skolk ska synas i betyget. Någon större skillnad mellan årskurserna och mellan pojkar och flickor kunde ej uppmätas.

Since the 1980's economic policies has become an important issue in municipalities and more resources are put into projects that are intended to have a positive influence on the local economic growth. From a theoretical perspective of regime theory and a model of local political economy, concerning the strategies chosen by the actors involved designed by Jon Pierre, the discussion points to the fact that it is possible to affect the local development. The municipalities discussed and compared in this thesis, Bromölla and Östra Göinge, have similar prerequisite for growth mainly due to their dependence to large industrial companies.In order to fulfill the aim of the thesis and examine the change in economic policies over time and between the two municipalities a comparative method is used. The creation of local governing coalitions is emphasized which makes efforts and intentions of individual actors crucial for the success of the local economic policies. Bromölla started their more active efforts in the area of economic policies earlier than Östra Göinge and has also come a bit further in the process.

This thesis investigates how recipient countries' domestic type of democracy affects its inclusive ownership in international development cooperation. This is done by examining Swedish development cooperation with Rwanda and Tanzania during the period from 2010 to 2014, a time when ownership - a concept which emphasizes recipient countries' leadership over its own development - was a central part of the international development agenda. The two cases were selected through a most similar case design where the value of potential explanatory variables was similar, except for the recipient countries' types of democracy. Furthermore, the case study uses a comparative analysis to analyze strategies and reports done by SIDA and the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Previous research focuses on the exclusion that national ownership can result in, in undemocratic national contexts. The main argument for this should be seen as the fact that ownership can not be representative if the power of the recipient's development agenda is limited to a decision-making elite.

ABSTRACTThis thesis focuses on the OPEC oil crisis of 1973 and its impact on the Scandinavian countries of Sweden and Denmark. Starting from Walter Carlsnaes theory of energy vulnerability, the concepts of vulnerability and national security are tested on the selected cases and an array of policy alternatives are assessed. Posited available options like oil stockpiling, conservation, renewable energy and international coordination are evaluated as means for ameliorating the vulnerability of the nations. The theory chosen is further expounded with a consensus element to reinforce its explanatory power. The thesis utilizes a wide range of material from parliamentary records to daily newspapers in an attempt to shed some light on the interplay between economics and politics.Sweden and Denmark evince diverging developments despite their common starting point with exceptionally high oil dependencies and can be located on different ends of the energy policy gamut.

During the later part of the 20th century the amount of children and adolescents in Sweden who reported psychosomatic illness have greatly increased. The main reason is estimated to relate to weak resources in school and school healthcare. Increased resources do not always have to encompass investments for school and school healthcare. Other resources play an important part as well. A child?s domestic situation serves as one of those resources where fundamental knowledge and values are set.

This study examines how social workers in child and youth units within Social Services perceive and experience working with violence in young people's intimate relationships. The study aims to highlight whether there is a need for a domestic violence team within the child and youth units. Violence in young people?s close relationships is a growing societal issue, with limited establishment within the research field. While research on the frequency of such violence has increased, studies focusing on tailored support measures have lagged behind.

This thesis examines the reasons behind the Swedish migration policy reform which led to a replacement of the Aliens Appeal Board by the Migration Court. This introduced a two-party procedure, oral hearings and enhanced transparency. It was designed to guarantee the rule of law and to thwart political arbitrariness.The transfer of power from representative institutions to judiciaries is referred to as judicialization, and the Migration Courts may be considered a typical example of this phenomenon. However, this can be questioned. The straggling nature of the term implies everything and anything unless cautiously defined.