This thesis aims to investigate how the interests of women are handled in political parties whose opinion programs are based on class interests. The essay constructs a theoretical framework, which shows that the descriptive representation of women is a prerequisite for their subjective interests being represented, however not a guarantee.By studying how the Social Democratic party deals with the demands from the Women's federation, the empirical material sheds light on the theoretical discussion. The study's methodological foundation consists of an ideology critical textual analysis, which focuses on the debate on the design of parental allowance that took place within the party during 2005. During the party's congress the women's federation advocated a proposition for increased individualization of the parental allowance, however the party did not accept it. The analysis confirms the theoretical argumentation that descriptive representation is not a guarantee for the representation of women's interests.

This study investigates and describes the phenomenon of ?technical tourism?, in the case ofwind power plants in Sweden. The main purpose of the study is a greater understanding ofa field which to date has remained largely uncharted.Technical tourism is a type of visits to a production site, where the technical aspect ofthe production is the main focal point for the visitor. The definition of technical tourism isbased on concepts within ?Industrial tourism?.

Denna studies syfte är att undersöka institutionella demokratihändelser i förskolan utifrån följande frågeställningar. Vilka möjligheter ger förskolan som institution barn till individualistiska demokratihändelser? Hur kan förskollärare möjliggöra individualistiska demokratihändelser för barnen i förskolan? Hur kan förskollärare synliggöra individualistiska demokratihändelser i förskolan? För att möjliggöra ett undersökande av institutionella demokratihändelser i förskolan och för att kunna besvara studiens frågeställningar på bästa sätt har semistrukturerade intervjuer använts som metod. Fyra förskollärare från en förskola i en mellanstor svensk kommun har deltagit i intervjuerna. Resultatet visar att förskolan som institution ger barn goda möjligheter till individualistiska demokratihändelser under vissa förutsättningar. Vidare visar resultatet att förskollärare kan möjliggöra individualistiska demokratihändelser i förskolan genom att aktivt arbeta för en tillgänglig och tillåtande miljö med trygga barn. Resultatet för studiens sista frågeställning visar att ett synliggörande av individualistiska demokratihändelser i förskolan kan ske genom förskolans utvärderingar och dokumentationsarbete..

This essay concerns the issue of democracy and judicial review. The main focus is on the justification of both a positive and a negative attitude towards judicial review, and the values these justifications are based on. The analysis is made by textual analysis of four authors with different opinions of the subject matter: Robert Dahl and Jeremy Waldron who has a negative attitude towards judicial review, and Erwin Chemerinsky and Ronald Dworkin who are positive about it. In the analysis an analytic frame is used which consists of different dimensions and aspects of the problem of democracy and judicial review. The study shows that there are important differences in democratic values between a positive and a negative justification of judicial review.

With this study, we have chosen to continue our B-essay about dual-diagnosis. In the essay we have done some research on how this target group feels about the treatment from the dependent unit, psychiatry unit, social services unit and the housing environment. We wanted to know about the feelings because during the B-essay we found out that individuals whit the dual-diagnosis is skipped between different caregivers. We used a qualitative method with six interviews from two different housings in south of Sweden. The information we got we used in our result and analysis part, where we found out that the caretaker?s thought the treatment were fine and that it was the surroundings they found the most fault with..

Personer som har och lever med diagnosen ADHD kan mötas av stora svårigheter i sin vardag som av personen själv inte alltid uppfattas som ett problem.  Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder är en funktionsnedsättning som ska finnas i två miljöer, i hemmet och i skolan. I Sverige har tre till fem procent av barnen ADHD och antalet personer som fått diagnosen har ökat. ADHD är ett stort folkhälsoproblem och är ett kroniskt tillstånd som följer med till vuxen ålder. Forskning har visat att det tidigare var en barndoms diagnos och som drabbade unga pojkar, men även idag vet vi att flickor får diagnosen. Att ha kunskap om funktionsnedsättningen är viktig för sjuksköterskan för att kunna hjälpa och stötta föräldrarna i deras vardag med barnen..

In this undergraduate thesis you will venture on a journey through the land of democratic values and urban planning. My research question is stated as: whether or not urban planning can show effects on democratic values and whether or not the municipalities in Sweden takes these possible effects into account when planning their city centres. You will in my theory part of this thesis be able to read about different views on urban planning and on democracy. Famous authors like Robert D. Putnam and Richard Florida will be examined as well as other theorists on democracy and urban planning.

This report describes an interview study of Swedish elementary school teacher?s view on stu-dent influence. The objective is to find out about teachers' approach to student influence, what do they think happens with students that are allowed to influence and what are the negotiables and non-negotiables when it comes to student influence in elementary education? And do the teachers really want their students to have influence?According to the official policy documents for the Swedish school system the Swedish school shall work towards a democratic school. Not only should the students be educated about de-mocracy but they should also learn to use democratic values and processes.

In the Swedish general election of 2006, the citizens were faced with the fact that there were two parties that called themselves a ?workers´ party?. It was not just the Social-Democratic Party, which we usually identify as a traditional workers´ party, it was also the Moderate Coalition Party, which we usually identify as a traditional conservative party, which during this suffrage also called them self the ?new moderates?. The central and the main election pledge for the new moderates took its standpoint in the idea that everybody should have a job.

Studiens syfte har varit att undersöka upplevelsen och betydelsen av att få en ADHD-diagnos hos unga kvinnor. Studien har haft en kvalitativ ansats och består av intervjuer med tre kvinnor i åldrarna 24 till 30 år som alla har fått sin diagnos efter tjugo års ålder. Utskrifterna från dessa intervjuer har meningskoncentrerats och har analyserats utifrån känsla av sammanhang, diagnossociologiska tankeströmningar och medikaliseringsbegreppet. De två forskningsfrågor som studien har ämnat besvara har varit dels hur de intervjuade kvinnorna har upplevt att få en ADHD-diagnos och dels vilken betydelse ADHD-diagnosen har haft för de intervjuade kvinnorna. Resultatet visar att kvinnorna i studien upplevde det som mestadels positivt att få en ADHD-diagnos och att diagnosen har ökat deras känsla av sammanhang avseende framför allt begriplighet och hanterbarhet men även avseende meningsfullhet.

AbstractWhy don't (some) regimes with formal democratic features undergo transition to democracy? Which are the internal dynamics of these regimes that can offer comprehension to this state of affairs? The main purpose of this thesis is to advance the above questions, and, on a lower level of abstraction, examine the case of Egypt. The Egyptian regime is characterized by, for instance, a multiparty-system, steps toward economic liberalization, and some level of persistent state opposition, and has been considered on the way to liberal democracy, but can still hardly be estimated as such.Thus, the thesis takes part in a theoretical framework on democratization, and further analyzes the case of Egypt on grounds of socioeconomic development, political culture, and class configuration. By this contextual approach, the thesis adduces that a low level of modernization, an incomplete democratic political culture, and a bourgeoisie supported by the state are impending significant factors. The thesis additionally remarks on the interconnection of the adopted theories, and discusses a potential need for new theoretical propositionsA secondary aim of the thesis also gives some insights into the concurrence of regime stability and the absence of democracy in, what often could be labelled, authoritarian regimes.

This subject of interest in this paper is the ideas expressed and formulated in the making andinauguration of the Branting-monument at Norra Bantorget in Stockholm. The initiative for a monument honoring the late Social Democratic leader Hjalmar Brantingwas taken at the Swedish Social Democratic Party Congress in 1928. In 1935 the party board decided to give the task of designing the monument to the much renowned artist Carl Eldh. A national fund-raising campaign for the monument was also initiated. In1942 the model of the monument was completed, but because of the war it was stored in a shelter.

This essay is essentially an analytical comparison of economic and democratic values. The purpose of this is to understand whether or not a conflictof values is in effect, given that democratic values have been expressed as highly desirable and in need of reinforcement while simultaneously economic values in the shape of New Public Management enjoy widespread acceptance andimplementation.Denna text utgör ett försök att ställa demokratiska och ekonomiska värden mot varandra för att se om värdekonflikt föreligger i en situation då demokratiska värden uttryckts som önskvärda och i behov av förstärkning och där New PublicManagement, ett reformprogram som i grunden utgör ett försök att införa mekanismer för styrning och organisation som byggts på marknadsekonomiska värderingsprinciper i stor omfattning genomdrivits inom offentlig sektor. I texten förs ett resonemang som når fram till slutsatsen att en värdekonflikt faktiskt på sätt och vis kan sägas föreligga mellan demokratiska och ekonomiska värdena om ekonomisk effektivitet inom offentlig sektor behandlas mindre som ett medel för demokrati, än som ett mål i sig självt. Frågan visar sig i slutändan handla om användandet av en ny normativ logik som inte är fullt kompatibla med den kontext den försöks infogas i..

The aim and purpose of the following study is twofold. The first part aims at clarifying different models of migration policy available within research of political science. The second part of the study applies the identified models onto an analysis of the official report ?Integrationens svarta bok? and the suggestions the reports presents. The findings of the study are multiple.

In 1974 the three municipalities of Åsele, Dorotea and Fredrika were amalgamated despite of hunger strikes, mass protests and a serious threat of violence. But after six years the marriage shattered as Dorotea left the other two after years of continued struggle. In 2005 the idea of an amalgamation of Åsele, Dorotea and Vilhelmina municipalities was brought to life by an older and ever declining population.By creating a democratic ideal type consisting of the three variables ? legitimacy, participation and identity ? this study assesses what impact an amalgamation of the three municipalities might have on local democracy.Combining a qualitative and a quantitative approach this study concludes that amalgamating the municipalities today could create a democratic unit lacking legitimacy, having a weak identity and impeding participation. But the study also brings forth that the impact of an amalgamation upon the variables of the ideal type as defined is not written in stone.