The aim of this Master?s thesis is to examine the librarians? perception of the users of children?s and young people?s literature. Questions posed in this study are: How are the librarians described according to appearance, personality and interaction with the users? How are the librarians described compared to former studies on the subject? Which perception can be seen, based on Douglas Rabers?s theory which describes the role the public libraries can take in the society? The study is based on content analysis. We have examined 15 descriptions of librarians in both picture books and literature for young adults, published between 1985 and 2006.

We live in a society that has changed rapidly in recent years. The Swedish welfare state identity consisted of structures that had been formed from an emancipatory project. Today, these structures seem to have been erased and replaced by a different form of society. When a society is changing it affects the political, social and economic levels.In this social change Social Democracy seems to have lost its hegemonic position in society and describes itself as standing in a crisis. An effort to modernize the party has therefore begun.

The essay explores nationalism in the curriculum of the swedish school from 1878 to 1994. The text has been undertaken an analysis in three levels of discourse based on Norman Faircloughs critical language analysis. The first level is the text, the second is types of discourses and the third is order of discourse.The nationalism in the curriculum has been related to three nationalistic types of discourses, derived from earlier studies on Swedish nationalism. They are conservative nationalism, ?folkhemsnationalism? and contemporary nationalism.

The purpose of this essay is to find out if Alliansen has lost their Bourgeoisie collective identity. The comprehensive questions of this essay are:Does liberalism or conservatism dominate the manifesto of Alliansen from 2006-2010 compared to the manifesto 2014-2018?Have Alliansen changed their ideological views to the centre of the political spectrum in their manifesto from 2006-2010 compared to the manifesto 2014-2018? The method used in this essay is a qualitative dimensional study. The results of the essay show that conservatism dominates both manifestos of Alliansen and show that the ideological view of Alliansen has not changed. Alliansens view of human beings in their manifesto from 2006-2010 is pessimistic and so is Alliansens manifesto from 2014-2018 and therefore closer to the conservative ideology than the ideology of liberalism.

Title: ?Du är partiledare (?) men inte minst en helt vanlig människa? ? En studie av partiledarnas framträdanden i Nyfiken på partiledaren.Authors: Marcus Alakangas and Martin RidderstolpeSubject: Undergraduate research paper in journalism studies, Dept. of journalism, media and communication (JMG) Gothenburg UniversityTerm: Spring 2014Supervisor: Mats Ekström, JMG, Gothenburg UniversityPurpose: Our main purpose is to examine whether there is a pattern of similarities to which the Swedish party leaders adapt to in their narratives and presentation of self in the television show Nyfiken på partiledaren.Method: Etnographic Content AnalysisProcedure: The first part of all eight episodes was transcribed and analyzed from the perspective that the interviewee is doing a presentation of self.Results: There are tendencies that the party leaders adapt to similar patterns in their narratives and presentation of self. The main aspect of that is in the way they portrait themselves as ordinary persons that people can relate to. Another aspect is that the narratives they put forth are in coherence with their political views.

This study is based on the notion of "the postsecular society". I have identified both similar and dissimilar values within current and official publications regarding human rights and gender equality authored by the Swedish Feminist Party and the Church of Sweden. The aim of this study is to identify and review similarities and differences in values, as expressed in definitions and standpoints, and also to try to explain how it is that the actors have similar and dissimilar values. In this context I have chosen the sociologist Jürgen Habermas's theory about "the postsecular society" to increase the understanding how and why similar values within religious and secular actors are presented in, what Habermas calls, "the postsecular society". I have used a qualitative and comparative content analysis for this study. The result shows that the Swedish Feminist Party has a more humanistic view.

Shortselling and loan of shares are becoming a common complement to"traditional"trade in shares. To be able to lend shares, it is necessary to reregister the shares so that the shortseller is competent to sell these shares further. In a legal sense, the proprietorship of the shares has changed hands, though it is not obvious for those involved to see what happens to the prorietorship. The obscurity is principally whether a complete changeover of the proprietorship is made between those concerned. This essay makes clear which legal consequences loan of shares and shortselling get concerning the proprietorship, and how a conflict between the lender and the third party should be solved if the shortseller becomes bankrupt.

This thesis aims at studying the development of the party cohesion and oligarchichaltendencies in the party groups of the Swedish national parliament, riksdagen, after theintroduction of two clear block coalitions during the years 2006-2010.The result of the cohesion during these years has been compared towards the years 1998-2006.The research method being used has been 18 semi structured interviews with member of the parliament during the examined years. The main findings show an increment of both the cohesion and the oligarchical tendencies after the block coalitions during the years 2006-2010. The result verified therefore also the two originally stated hypothesis..

Homelessness has always been and will always be a problem in every society. How should we organize the work and care for these people? There are three different types of welfare states, the liberal, the conservative and the social democratic. In the liberal welfare state the market is the supplier of the public good. In the conservative state the family and church and in the social democratic the state is the supplier of the public welfare.The Swedish welfare state has been the archetype of social democratic welfare with de principal of ?Folkhemmet? in focus.

Engblom, Gustav (2009) De nya riksdagspartierna och den politiska dagordningen ?The new parilament parties and the political agenda.?1988 and 1991 the swedish parties Miljöpartiet, Ny demokrati and Kristdemokratiska samlingspartiet made it over the 4 percent threshold and successfully entered the Swedish parliament. Sweden was once described as one of the most stable political systems in the world, but the parliament elections of 1988 and 1991 showed that Sweden was no exception from the growing instability in west democratic political systems.The stability and instability that followed in the west democratic political systems is believed to be explained by the political parties? efforts to adjust to changes in their political environment. This has lead them to cartelize and the cartel party is believed to prefer stability over triumph for various reasons.The established political parties are believed to be able to manipulate the political agenda in such a way that political topics that would have caused great turbulence in the political system, if debated, are kept away from the political agenda.

Bishop Alois Hudal is a man who is often mentioned when the relationship between the Vatican and the national socialistic Germany of 1933-1945 is discussed. In these cases he is usually presented as a Nazi and sometimes even called ?the brown Bishop?. One of the contributing factors for this infamous title, perhaps the most contributing, is the Bishops book Die Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus. National Socialism is a Weltanschauung with a certain set of doctrines that is hard, or rather impossible, to combine with any other Weltanschauung, whether it is a philosophical or a religious one.

The globalization has increased the trade between different places and countries. Products are now available from all over the world, but this requires transports that have consequences in the environment as well as the economy. New professions are creates that do formality, organize, administrate and implement other businesses transports. Their operations are between the business and customer and they are called logistics companies. The purpose of this report was to study third-party logistics and why more and more companies use this logistics services.

In today?s Europe nationalist movements grow stronger. The Scottish referendum is a result of the nationalistic party Scottish National Party?s aim of an independent Scotland. Using a descriptive idea analysis the essay aim to answer how the referendum arose, its main arguments and how national and state identity is affected in the arguments.

When it comes to political representation, all over the world women almost always make up a minority of representatives in the legislative bodies. The Scandinavian countries in general and Sweden in particular have though been exceptions to this rule with, when compared to other countries, a rather high percentage of women in elected positions. This development took off in the seventies: during that decade the unit percentage of women in the Swedish Riksdag rose by double!The aim for this thesis is to analyse what underlying ideas influenced this advance. The focus is on three different female party federations, who are believed to have had a great impact on this increase of women politicians through their influence in their own mother parties. The federations analysed are the ones connected to the Social Democratic Party, the Centre Party and the Liberal party.

The Swedish Social Democratic Party was for a long time skeptical of Sweden?s opportunitiesto apply for membership in the European Community. Sweden?s longstanding policy ofneutrality was until the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe 1989 seen as an obstacle tomembership. These changes were an important factor to why the social democratic partychanged their position on the EC and in October 1990 applied for membership.