Denna uppsats behandlar lärarkårens nationalismunder perioden 1882-1914. Dess syfte är att undersöka hur lärarkåren underdenna period ansåg att man bäst förmedlade nationell fostran och vad dennafostran borde innebära. Med hjälp av den tidigare forskningen på området somofta behandlar skolans roll och funktion inom nationalistisk fostran så har jagtagit mig an att undersöka hur lärarkåren själva uttryckt denna sin roll ochuppgift genom sitt dåtida fackorgan SvenskLäraretidning. De teorier som jag stöder mig på har framföralltpresenterats av författarna Eric Hobsbawm och Herbert Tingsten. Den förre harbeskrivit ingående hur nationalism, patriotism och fosterlandskärlek bildas ochvad de stöder sig på, den senare har mer ingående beskrivit processen i Sverigeoch i förhållande till skolväsendet.

Den här uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka om främlingsfientlighet är olika stark i staden och på landsbygden. Vi tittar även på effekten av nationalism, om det kan förklara den eventuella skillnaden mellan stad och landsbygd. Vi har använt oss utav teorier så som kontakthypotesen, grupphotsteorin, det minimala paradigmet och grupprelationer. För att besvara vårt syfte har vi använt oss utav ISSP datamaterial från 2003 ? National Identity II, vi har valt att använda datamaterialet för Sverige och Norge.

Detta är en komparativ teoriutvecklande studie av fallen Baskien och Katalonien. Vi behandlar civilsamhället och nationalismens roll i regionernas strävan efter ökat självstyre. Med hjälp av en historisk tillbakablick söker vi förklaringar till den samtida politiken. Resultatet leder till att vi kompletterar en väl etablerad teori på området nationalism. Vi kommer fram till att både det politiska maktutövandet och civilsamhället är bidragande förklaringsfaktorer till uppkomsten av nationalism i de två regionerna.

This essay seeks, by applying to theories of nationalism, to explain the reasoning behind the Russian annexation of Crimea and to understand the ideology and nationalistic influences in Russian foreign policy in the case of the Ukraine crisis and the annexation of Crimea. The argumental analysis exemplifies the nationalistic tendencies of Vladimir Vladimirovitj Putin and the Russian foreign actions and attempts to specify a nationalistic motif in the case of Crimea and in Russian foreign policy. The study seeks to illustrate tendencies in Russian foreign policy and to show what can be expected of Russia in the near future..

Social enterprises are increasingly gaining ground as an organisational form in Sweden, however the institutional structures for financing these types of organisations are yet to be established. With its usual origin within the civic society, social enterprises prioritise a higher goal than to maximise economic profit, which often causes these organisations to be dependent upon resources from external constituents within its institutional environment. The aim of this study was to examine how a social enterprise, which derives from the civic society, acts to mobilise resources from constituents in its institutional environment. This was executed through a case study of Jordbro Världsorkester (JVO) - a typical organisation in the civic society which takes the form of a social enterprise - by identifying how assets were used to gain resources in strategic responses to institutional processes and examining how institutional processes affects how JVO acts. Throughout the study, qualitative interviews were conducted with JVO and constituents in its institutional environment and a theoretical framework was developed which explains how capital is used to gain more capital in an emergent strategy of strategic responses as the organisation gets in contact with institutional processes from its institutional environment.

Nationalismens utbredning i svenska läroböcker förändras med tiden i form av illustrationer, omfattning samt text-och bildmaterial. De böcker som jag studerat i denna uppsats är valda utifrån tre tidsnedslag (1920-, 1960-, 2000-tal) där varje tidsnedslag representerar en form av nationalism som både är lik och olik de andra tidsnedslagen. Genrellt sett så utvecklas nationalismen i takt med samhällets förändringar och ideologier. Det är utifrån samhällets behov som nationalismens utbredning tar form, vilket sedan påvisas i läroböckerna. Historiskt har nationalismen i svenska läroböcker gått från att fungera som propagandamaterial till att spegla en typ av mångkulturalism..

Den första juli 1997 firades Hongkongs återförening med Kina med pompa och ståt. Den brittiska kolonin blev Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) inom Kina. Hongkong skulle behålla sitt politiska system sida vid sida med fastlandets under principen "ett land, två system". Vi har identifierat att principen innebär en konflikt i den specifika situationen och använder oss av Browns teori om tre typer av nationalism. Kinas kommunistparti använder två typer av nationalism för att samla invånarna i en nation och legitimera sitt styre.

The aim of this study is to analyze the change of Basque nationalism during the last ten years and discuss how the main nationalist party (PNV) tries to impose "we"- feelings and support for its cause. Theories of nationalism and national identity are used in the analysis.A textual analysis of PNV:s unofficial documents is discussed and compared with a discourse analysis of its official documents. Although the unofficial documents deal with similar view of basic political/territorial ambitions, language and identification, there are some differences in the latest documents regarding the view of who is defined as Basque and also to the detoriated relation to Spain. Although references are made to the regard that the Basque Country is for everyone, the persistence of emphasizing the uniqueness and myths of the Basque culture signals a different matter. The discourse analysis of the official documents supports this claim and although they contain an ambiguous relation to Spain it is clear that Basque nationalism has been radicalized.

The aim of this study is to examine Turkish nationalism in order to find what factors that play a part in Turkey's inability to confess and discuss such events as the Armenian Genocide, which took place between the years of 1915.-1923, by the fall of the Ottoman Empire. The factors found and examined closely are collective memory and the use of history. The paper is a case study of Turkey with a theoretical approach, trying to apply theories of nationalism, collective memory and history-writing on Turkish nationalism, in order to find an answer to how these factors stands in the way of reconciliation.Conclusions are that Turkey as a nation is stuck in a romanticization and glorification of the time of their founding leader, Atatürk, and the thought of the pure, homogenous Turkishness. This makes the nation incapable of discussing and accepting what others in this case acknowledges as historical facts. The taboo-making of these matters makes reconciliation today not possible..

AbstractThe aim of this thesis is to analyse a proposition that was made by the Swedish liberal party in the election campaign in 2002. The proposition was part of an integration program and the main point was that to become a Swedish citizen you should do a test to prove your ability in Swedish. In this paper, I?ve been investigating the way that this proposition was presented and the reactions that it met among the Swedish people. In my work I have noticed that there are some specific arguments that were very powerful and which were the ones that attracted most people.

This thesis is about how nationalism is constructed from two competing groups, Kosovo Albanian and Serbs. Kosovo for Serbs is a deep symbolic value that continues to be a Serbian identification. This is one of the main reasons why no Serbian politician has the courage to give it up. On the other side of the coin we have the Kosovo Albanians that only settles for independence. To recognize the independence for Kosovo could jeopardize the security for the Serbian minority living in Kosovo.

How do museums work with plurality in their organizations and in the production of exhibitions and other activities? This paper examines how civic museums, provincial museums and state museums work with plurality from a perspective of culture policies, particularly in relation to the government bill Tid för kultur, issued by the Swedish government in 2009.All together I examine 25 museums and their efforts to include marginalized groups in their activities and exhibitions. To do so I have studied four possible measures that are available for the museums. This includes the following: projects that pay attention to a marginalized group or their living conditions; projects that are specifically created for a marginalized group; projects that include a marginalized group in the museums preparations; and projects were museums give full responsibility to a marginalized group. I have also examined how plurality have been presented ? as isolated cultures and cultural expressions or as hybrids and interchangeable phenomenons ? and to what extent the museums are ready to involve marginalized groups in their physical environment and in their exhibition and activity programs.

This qualitative study is done with the purpose of creating understanding for the theoretical democratic content in educational materials for Civic Education courses 1a1 and 1b during GY-11, so teachers create an intentional approach when using educational materials in their democratic education. This was motivated as important considering the reduction in obligatory Civic Education for the vocational programs. The study was conducted using a hermeneutic qualitative reading method where the educational materials, more specifically two series with one book for each course, was read with purpose of creating understanding for the democratic content according to ideal democratic models: deliberative democracy, participatory democracy and electoral democracy. A text voice analysis was also conducted using Bakhtins theory of dialogic and monologue text that contributed to the general result concerning the democratic content. The results show that the electoral democracy ideal is dominant in all educational materials, there is hence no striking difference between the democratic content in 1a1 and 1b educational materials.

Children who have fled to Sweden, without their parents or guardians, have been a controversial subject during the winter of 2002. Their situations on refugeestations and the responsibiliy by community and the state have been discussed. My composition is about these children. The composition is not about the situations of the children - focus is instead on the people who operate with the children; community, state and organisations. I want to find empirical levels which show what the children associate with.

Uppsatsens syfte är att söka förklara politiska våldet i Indien utrifrån tre perspektiv; territoriell odelbarhet, nationalism och fundamentalism. Avgränsningen är de etniska minoriteterna; assameser, bodo, kashmirer, muslimer, naga, sikher, tripura och ursprungsstammar. Åren som uppsatsen har fokus på är 1985-2000. Uppsatsen är en fallstudie av Indien där åtta olika etniska minoriteter är studieobjekt. Maryland Universitys MAR-databas, Uppsala universitets UCDP-databas samt South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP-databasen) fungerar som huvudsakliga källor.Resultatet visar att den territoriella odelbarheten har stark förklaringskraft i de flesta av fallen (sju av åtta) i Indien.