The main aim of this thesis is to introduce a normative perspective to surveillance studies. I examine how the use of videocameras or CCTV-systems can create a social sorting and, then, try to answer why it ought to be reconstructed based on a normative study.For the empirical analysis I use Foucaults theory about the panopticon, maintained by the psychological subjection of the common Citizen in the modern world, together with Lianos theory of a more socio-cultural surveillance in the post-modern world. The empirical examination is, furthermore, guided by a theory that describes the construction of the stranger, which today, is not explicitly excluded, because everyone is a stranger in some way, but rather depicted as the other due to institutionalization.The post-modern society today can no longer be built upon a common or divine moral or norm. Thus, I have chosen a normative method, using a deliberative democracy derived from Habermas, focusing on the communicative practice, that can engage and include every Citizen in a democratic process. This is necessary for both deciding whether videocameras should be installed and whom and why some should be under surveillance ? to avoid a social sorting that both can constitute and undermine social trust and increase the gap between the governing and the governed..

The work with Agenda 21 resulted in a larger focus on local participation and deliberation. The Swedish implementation of Agenda 21 is a result of these local governments´ political agendas and policies.The purpose with this paper is to examine the relationship between the Citizen and the local government. It focuses on three theories of Citizenship and how the view of "the environmental aware Citizen?; in the local government?s municipalities policies differ and from which theory of Citizenship do they come from.The analysis is of a valuing and comparing nature. The municipalities´ web pages have been the main source to generate an understanding of their view on the normative environmental work.

During the last years a discussion has emerged around problems with Swedish state boards trying to influence the public opinion and even political bodies through different kind of information efforts. Several observers inside and outside the academy have studied how state boards increasingly use information as an instrument and also how political bodies increasingly have given such instructions to state boards. This essay put those studies into the context of both information political history and previous theoretical interpretations in that field of research.The analytical tool consists of four ideal typical ways ('state opinions') to arrange relations between the state and the Citizen. Some critics focus on problems with too much political steering and how political majorities uses state boards to spread ideological propaganda. Others highlight problems with autonomy and bureaucratic organizations taking initiatives by themselves to spread normative information.

The question of direct Citizen participation in politics and administration is a contestable one. Its proponents claim that it has positive consequences even for the more "traditional", representative democracy, since participation leads to an increased political knowledge and increased political interest, and thus creates a revitalised democracy. Critical voices have however been raised to the validity of this claim. Critics have also pointed out direct participation as problematic, because it leads to problems of political inequality: a difference of political influence between ? on the one hand, the Citizens participating directly and those that restrict their political participation to voting, and ? on the one the other hand ? between the institutions, for example schools, that employ, and don?t employ this method of direct Citizen influence.In this essay, these two points of criticisms are tested in the context of user-boards in elementary and secondary schools.

Study: Degree project in teacher education, Advanced level, 15pUniversity of SkövdeTitle The Battle of the School ? The attempt of four organizations to influence the Swedish school and the good Citizen.Number of pages: 43Author: Christoffer HärsjöTutor: Erik AnderssonDate: January 2009 Keywords: Democracy, organizations, school, influence, Citizen This exam discusses the influence of four different organizations in the public school. The chosen organizations are the Confederation of Swedish Enterprise, LO, the Enforcement Authority and the political party Feminist Initiative. They all have different agendas about what they think the school should teach children. These agendas will be analyzed from the point of view of lobbying, corporatism, influencing of public opinion and the theory of curriculum, to find out what impact they have on the Swedish school system.

The purpose of this study was to examine how commitment to a cause on a local basis had developed in four smaller groups during one decade. In 1996 I interviewed representatives in Åsele, Borrby, Hasslarp and Tving about their commitment and Citizen initiative. Now, ten years later, I followed it up by interviewing them again. I wanted to know if the groups/associations still existed, if they had achieved their goals as they where pronounced ten years ago and how a strong commitment on a local basis can develop during ten years. Which phenomena decide whether the group develop or phase out? I use the term Citizen commitment instead of Citizen initiative to stress the fact that it is no longer an initiative but an on-going commitment.

The purpose of this essay has been to compare different constitutions, and their outlook on Citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty. This has been done in the light of the political philosophy, in order to give the answer to four questions. These questions are: Which rights and obligations can be seen in the constitutions, and how can it be interpreted. Can there be signs of any political philosophy in the constitutions?  Are there any differences between the constitutions regarding Citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty? If so, what are the differences? Can the rights be seen in a further extent than the obligations in the constitutions?I have conducted a qualitative comparision study and analyzed the political philosophers and made a classification scheme of their views.

The purpose of this essay is to examine how administrative officers at the Swedish social insurance agency experience and deal with the goal conflicts they may experience. Furthermore, the purpose is to gain a greater understanding on how they perceive their role in the implementation process, and their position as the link between the Citizens and the state. Two potential conflicts are examined; between quantitative goals and performance measures and those more qualitative and hard to measure; between economic values such as cost efficiency and productivity and democratic values such as the rule of law. The other conflict examined is that between implementing and following the laws set forth, take into account the individual needs and interests of the Citizen. The theoretical framework consists of Lundquist?s theory on public officers as the guardians of democracy, which means that they should not only implement laws and rules according to political intentions, but also make sure that the democratic values and principles are followed in the relationship between state and Citizen.

The objective of this study was to investigate differences in the portrayal of Western European Citizens and non Western European Citizens in Hergé?s graphic novels about the young journalist Tintin. We wanted to see if the globalization during the mid 1900?s had an effect on Hergé?s way of portraying the world. We started off by selecting nine novels from three different periods of time, though we read all of the novels in The Adventures of Tintin.

Vi har i denna studie beskrivit och förklarat vilka bakomliggande motiv multinationella företag har då de väljer att sponsra elitidrottsföreningar. Hypotesprövning visar att exponering -good Citizen -personal och relationsmotivet, är motiv till varför svenska multinationella företag sponsrar elitidrottsföreningar.Vad gäller exponeringsmotivet har vi kommit fram till att svenska multinationella företag ser sponsringen som ett tillfälle att bli exponerade i olika medier i samband med exempelvis ishockeymatcher. Vår studie visar att då ett företag väljer att sponsra utifrån ett good Citizen-motiv handlar detta om att de vill bidra med något till samhället utöver den företagsmässiga verksamheten. Multinationella företag vill uppfattas som en god samhällsmedborgare som stöttar föreningar med koppling till regionen. Vidare visar studien även att personalmotivet som motiv till sponsring beskriver att multinationella företag sponsrar idrottsföreningar eftersom företagen vill skapa en ökad sammanhållning inom sin egen personalstyrka genom att kunna erbjuda exempelvis matchbiljetter.

 This essay is about a little community in Sweden where the identity as a Citizen of Vadstena expresses itself in different ways, whether the individual has immigrated or has been living there for generations. It is also about those processes and structures creating an experienced alienation and an equally strong expressive perspective from within. How does the social construct appear to those who want to be integrated, and for those who are supposed to integrate the immigrants?.

This master?s thesis analyzes how cultural policy was problematized in three governmental policy areas; culturalpolicy for the free sector, education policy and popular education policy, during the social democrat Ragnar Edenman?s time (1957-67) as minister of ecclesiasticalaffairs. Earlier research has examined the policy for the free sector, concerning artist?s economic problems. This thesisadds an analysis of the other fields of policy, which were reformed in the 1960?s by the same ministry.

In this study we examine five selected media organisations with different forms of productionplatforms that all appear in Stockholm's southern and western suburbs, which are part of themillion-construction project. Their stated ambition is to present an alternative image of thesuburbs than that found in mainstream media. They want to portray themselves instead ofconstantly being described by others.The purpose of the study is to gain a better understanding of the reason for the emergenceof these media, their visions according to the media producers themselves, and how theyrelate to mainstream media. The study is based on a theoretical framework that focuses ondiverse approaches of alternative media and the journalists' role in a democratic society.The wide data analysis from qualitative informant interviews, with small observations as acomplement, showed results indicating criticism against the misrepresentation of Stockholmsuburbs in mainstream media. Furthermore the results show that the overall dissatisfaction ofthis misrepresentation is one of the main reasons why the different media, which are bothrepresented by Citizens and journalists, were founded.

Journalists´ role in society has traditionally been of representative nature with a task to distribute news and scrutinize those in power. But technological changes have created a new publishing world outside the traditional media institutions. In today?s redactional society anyone can become a publisher in a blog or through other channels on online. This process can be seen as contributing to increased democratization giving everyone the opportunity to publish.

Urban planning in Sweden has played an important role for the welfare state we have created. It has served as a way to achieve improvements. But too often decisions, about the changes, were made by those who were not directly affected by them. Democratically speaking, it is important that the group most affected by a decision also comes to make the decision. This thesis examines the motives for working with Citizen participation and user participation in planning contexts.