I uppsatsen presenterar författaren hur US Grand Strategy förändrats som en följd avterrorattackerna mot USA den 11 september 2001. Författaren pekar vidare påalternativa utvecklingsmöjligheter för US Grand Strategy och prövar om traditionellaanalysmodeller fortfarande är tillämpliga för att beskriva vägval för amerikanskutrikes och säkerhetspolitik..

This comparative case study, which is based on a most similar system design,investigates why the Chávez government has attained a lower degree of democracy than the Kirchner and the Lula governments. In order to develop asupplementary theory about why governments in general achieve various degrees of democracy I compare these governments and examine what policies that differ them and why. My results show that these governments? policies differ concerning the rule of law, militarization, and negotiations with economic groups and anti-regime parts of civil society. I have found numerous answers to why some of these governments (and governments in general) have democratic policies within these four areas and why some do not.

Denna uppsats avser lämna ett bidrag till en ökad kunskap om vilka terroristorganisationer som finns publicerade på Internet, vilka syften organisationerna har med denna publicering samt att se om det finns några paralleller mellan olika kategorier av terroristorganisationer..

The present thesis closer examines what has come to be known as al-Qaida, partly from what al-Qaida is considered to be, partly from the consequences a certain picture of al-Qaida might give rise to. Between 1988-2001 most of this thesis sources refers to al-Qaida as a small, organized core group with some degree of cell structure. From 1991 to present days, many of the sources enlarge the picture of al-Qaida. From now on they start to view al-Qaida as either a network in itself or al-Qaida as a part of a larger islamistic network, not only as an organized core group with presumptive bases in Afghanistan. The most recent of theories regarding al-Qaida looks at al-Qaida as an ideology in itself (al-Qaedaism) or al-Qaida as a part of previously existing ideologies (Islamism, Neofundamentalism and Jihadism-Salafism).Al-Qaida is being seen - by scholars, journalists and terrorism experts - as an organization with a core group, a network in itself, part of a larger islamistic network and an ideology of its own or as a part of already existing ideologies.

Denna uppsats är en kvalitativ studie med syfte att finna förståelse för hur en blivande lärare med erfarenhet av att bli mobbade ser på sitt framtida arbete med att motverka mobbning. Den förklarar också hur mobbningen har påverkat den blivande läraren i relation till sitt framtida yrke. Uppsatsen baseras på tre djupintervjuer. Uppsatsen har ett studentperspektiv där författarna vill veta hur lärarstudenter kommer hantera anti-mobbningsfrågor i relation till sina egna upplevelser som mobbade under sin egen skolgång. Intervjuerna har varit semistrukturerade där författarna ställt öppna frågor och fokuserat på vad undersökningspersonen själv valt vad hen vill berätta.

Both the Commission and the Community Courts have on several occasions stated that a concentration that will cause the creation or strengthening of an oligopoly under certain circumstances might cause what?s referred to as a collective dominant position in the market. The concept of collective dominant position has gained a lot of criticism for being poorly defined and thereby create an uncertainty. The Commissions approach when applying the concept has also gained criticism for its lack of consistency. As a consequence of the Court of First Instances (CFI) decision in the case Airtours v.

Med klimatförändringar och stigande oljepriser står vi inför en utmaning. Energifrågan måste lösas. Allt fler anser att vi måste satsa mer på kärnkraften istället för att avveckla de svenska kärnkraftverken.Men det finns miljöproblem kopplade till kärnkraften, främst när det gäller uranbrytningen. Frågan om slutförvaret av använt kärnbränsle är inte löst. Med en mer global terrorism finns också rädslan för att terrorister ska komma över kärnvapen.

Den här uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka tystnadens kommunikativa funktion i två svenska teaterpjäser, Leka med elden av August Strindberg och En talande tystnad av Erland Josephson. I min metod använder jag mig av en anti-essentialistisk hållning och intresserar mig i första hand för tystnadens funktion.Tystnaden analyseras utifrån tre ingångar: dess relevans, konceptualisering och distanserande/förenande funktion. Analysen visar skillnader pjäserna emellan vad gäller tystnadsindikationer i teatertexten. En talande tystnad regisserar oftare explicit pauserna medan tystnaden i Leka med elden endast är antydd i texten och får sin relevans i Holms regi. Metaforer som avslöjar tystnadens konceptualisering förekommer i En talande tystnad men inte alls i Leka med elden.

The heuristic methods used by the anti-trojan application TrojanHunter have been evaluated. The evaluation shows that the heuristic scan engine of TrojanHunter has a very good detection ratio and that the detection ratio can be even further improved by implementing the suggested improvements, the most important of which is a white list to avoid misidentifying files that are known not to be trojans..

Drawing on theories of ethnic representations in mainstream news media and racial discrimination (van Dijk 2000, Hultén 2006, Husband & Downing 2005, Wodak 2011), and using methods of critical discourse analysis (mainly van Dijk 1993, 1991, Fairclough 1995) this bachelor thesis aims to investigate the inter-textual and inter-discursive relationship between selected editorial and opinion pieces written by three mainstream right wing ?symbolic elites? and the xenophobic blog ?Avpixlat?. The three selected symbolic elites are: Per Gudmundsson, editorial writer at the second largest Swedish newspaper SvD, Andreas Johansson Heinö, academic with a P.H.D. in political science, specialized on issues of integration and ethnic relations, and Paulina Neuding, editorial writer at SvD and editor in chief for right-wing oriented magazine Neo. All three are actively taking part in the mediated discussion of ethnic relations in Sweden from a liberal-conservative perspective.

Title: ?Du kommer väl ihåg hur det var att gå i skolan?? ? En visuell retorikanalys av fem av Friends antimobbningsfilmerNumber of pages: 75Authors: Radhika Bhasin and Christoffer OrreTutor: Marinette Fogde and Gudrun WeinerCourse: Communication, Advanced CoursePeriod: Spring 2007University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Humanistic Science, Örebro UniversityPurpose/Aim: The purpose with this essay is to examine in what ways the Swedish organisation Friends advertising films against bullying rhetorically and visual rhetorically intend to convince their audience of their message.Material/Method: We have been studying five of Friends advertising films against bullying. The five films were chosen because they all originated from the same campaign against bullying amongst schoolchildren. The methods used were partly rhetoric analysis and partly visual rhetoric analysis.Main results: The conclusion we can draw from this study is that Friends anti-bullying films uses several rhetoric methods, both classic and visual, to convince their audience. Occurrence of pathos (emotions) arguments as convincing method was most commonly used, followed by ethos (sender trust) and only a few logos (fact) arguments.

Abstract"The war on terror" has resulted in numerous exceptions from the constitutional order. This thesis is an attempt to give empirical support to Georgio Agambens theory that these exceptions should be regarded as a constant element in modern societies based on a constitutional order. The results of the case study of the empirical exceptions in the American context give Agambens theory validity. The exception is a reappearing phenomenon, which implies that the constitutional order is fragile. What then is it that makes the legal norms fragile? In this thesis I will discuss the causality of moral panic.

Upprorsbekämpning på taktisk nivå är problematiskt därför att konflikter som kräver sådanbekämpning, alltid är unika. Det finns inte heller någon generell teori som leder tillframgång.Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka ifall Kilcullens 28 artiklar går att tillämpa på denlyckade upprorsbekämpningen i Malaya.Metoden som användes är kvalitativ textanalys av britternas taktiska doktrin underkonflikten, the conduct of anti-terrorist operations in Malaya (ATOM), utifrån Kilcullens 28artiklar. Även artiklar skrivna av officerare och soldater under konflikten har använts för attge stöd till påståenden samt för att belysa ifall britterna faktiskt följde sin taktiska doktrineller ej.Resultatet visar att det inte går att applicera Kilcullens teori på britternas taktiska agerande iMalaya. Endast 10 av 28 artiklar var applicerbara.Författaren drar slutsatsen att Kilcullens 28 artiklar möjligen inte är användbara somgenerella riktlinjer för handlingsalternativ på taktisk nivå. Författaren lyfter emellertid att flerstudier på andra konflikter behövs för att fastställa påståendet..

This paper concerns the divide between secularist and anti-secularist groups in Turkey, which is related to a greater antagonism between a Kemalist and an Islamic political discourse, dominant in Turkish politics since the 1980s. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the causes of the conflict using the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. The second aim is to analyse the contents of each discourse and identify the main points of conflict between them. The empirical material used in the study consists exclusively of secondary sources treating the topic, and these are analysed using the theory of identity conflicts, which is part of Laclau and Mouffe's theory. It will be argued that the attempts of Kemalism to impose strict secularism by hegemonising the concepts of ?modernity? and ?Islam? led to the creation of an alternative political discourse based on political Islam.

In recent years, the right-wing extremist site Avpixlat (?Unveiled?) and the anti-racist blog Inte rasist, men... (?Not a racist, but??, IRM) have established themselves as political actors and platforms for political discussion in Sweden. However, we know very little about them and their impact on democracy.