In 1995, the World Trade Organization WTO was established. Today WTO has nearly 150 member countries, accounting for over 97 percent of the world trade. WTO has a number of agreements and one of them is the General Agreement on Trade in Services GATS. GATS control the service sector, and the public library is a small part of this sector. The purpose of this study is to examine the Swedish debate about GATSs possibility to affect the public library.

Until recently the Danish government was hesitant about whether investments in climate and energy policies were the right strategy for Denmark. Today the Danish government argues that during the forthcoming climate conference in Copenhagen in 2009 (COP15), the world's countries must agree upon ambitious climate objectives. Denmark is together with EU-27 aiming at an ambitious climate agreement. This thesis intends to contribute with an understanding of why Denmark, both politically and economically, invests profound resources into committing the world's countries to a climate agreement. The study uses both a neoliberal institutionalism and a constructivist theory in analyzing the Danish engagement.

The aim of this thesis is to clarify the affect that preferential and regional trade agreements have on the World Trade Organization (WTO), as being establisher of the international trading regime. The essay is an explanatory literature study, which strives to answer the following questions:Are regional and preferential trade agreements a threat or a complement to the WTO?Is an undermining of the MFN principle weakening the WTO?How do regional trade agreements made by the EU affect the future of the WTO?The empirical material is to be analyzed using an explanatory framework, which is based on neo-liberal instutionalism, theories on regime changes and a game theoretical approach, using prisoner?s dilemma. I will employ the EU-ACP relation, the Cotonou agreement to exemplify how an agreement of this kind can have an influence on multilateral trade. The result shows that preferential agreements do have an impact on the WTO, one that is fairly negative in scope.

The Latvian building company Laval un Partneri Ltd (Laval) posted Latvian construction workers at the rebuilding of a school in Vaxholm in autumn 2004. Because the company refused to sign a collective agreement with Svenska Byggnadsarbetareförbundet (Byggnads), which is the Swedish trade union for constructions workers, Byggnads put the construction site under a boycott. Next Laval sued Byggnads for damages in the Swedish Labour Court (AD) because Laval considers the boycott as well as Byggnad´s demand that Laval signs a collective agreement incompatible with EC Law. AD has now demanded a preliminary ruling from the European Court of Justice (ECJ). While waiting for the preliminary ruling from the ECJ, several important questions of principle stand unanswered.

International conventions signifies international trade, which in itself would be ineffective if there were no dispute settlement mechanisms. This essay intends to examine how dispute settlement mechanisms between states have developed over the years and a large emphasis is placed on the World Trade Organizations (WTO) Dispute Settlement Body since it?s had great significance for the efficiency of international law. In order to show the need for dispute settlement mechanisms, a background to the conventions that have called for the development of the DSB is in order. This essay focuses on Intellectual Property Rights (IPR), and the agreement that currently regulate intellectual property rights, Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), but also its connection to the DSB.

The consociational democracy model in Macedonia, which came out from a warcrisis and a peace agreement from 2001, in addition, putting an end to the violent conflict, actually admits the division of the society along the ethnic lines. Paradoxically, there is an attempt to bridge the ethnic gap with this model. As a result, the consociational democracy model holds solutions that can be abused if somebody misuses its power and desires to disintegrate the country. The future development depends therefore on the moderate attitude of the citizens, and first and foremost, on the political elites and their commitment to the values of democracy and human rights instead of their nationalistic goals. Furthermore, thepresent democratic consolidation in Macedonia is established on the execution of the peace agreement and the improved effectiveness of the institutions.

In Sweden has the temporary agency work industry settled in an explosive way since the deregulation of the unemployment agency monopole in 1993. The demand of civil right for the employer that is rented out confronts the entire labour law regulation with new challenges.The purpose with this paper is an investigation of the principle of equal treatment in The Swedish temporary agency work act and also to create a deeper understanding of the effects of labour and employment relationship. An investigation of relevant collective agreements will be done to highlight the difficulties the principal of equal treatment is exposed to. Further on is there a will to gain understanding for the wage concept and what possible can be included in the wage concept in relation to the principal of equal treatment in The temporary agency work directive. By using the dogmatic method, an approach to descriptive identifying relevant sources of law and clarify the legal situation in the area.In the conclusions it will be determined that the principle of equal treatment in The Swedish temporary agency work act have different effects depending on if the temporary agency or if the client corporation is tied to an collective agreement alternative if a collective agreement is completely missing.

This thesis examines the interaction between European football and the European Union and if it can generate Europeanization. By using theories of Johan P Olsen and Claudo M Radaelli a theoretical framework was constructed in which Europeanization is seen as an interaction between the European level and the domestic level. The Europeanization is regarded as a two way process with elements of top-down and bottom-up pressures. The study focus on the changes and the actors in the Europeanization process and how the European Union as a top-level and European football as a bottom-level influence each other to European changes. The theoretical framework is used to analyze the Bosman case and the Cotonou agreement's implementation in a Swedish football context.

A great source of risk during peace processes of today comes from spoilers, individuals and groups who deliberately try to undermine every attempt to achieve a negotiated peace agreement. The aim of the thesis is to examine problems related to the management of spoilers during peace negotiations and the effects thereof. A central aspect in this respect is the dilemma of whether to include or exclude controversial actors like spoilers at negotiations.The choice of limits of the subject is to examine the peace negotiations that resulted in ?The Agreement? in 1998, concerning the conflict in Northern Ireland, and in ?DOP? in 1993, concerning the conflict between Israel and Palestine. I find a significant difference between these two conflicts regarding the way of managing spoilers.

Aiming to contribute to the discourse on the sustainability of consociational democracy in plural societies, this case study provides an examination of Lebanon?s power sharing model. The study begins with an evaluation of the Taif Agreement. After acknowledging its effect on Lebanon?s consociational system the function and operation of Lijphart?s four consociational elements are analyzed.

AbstractThis bachelor thesis was performed at the Royal Institute of Technology in Stockholm on behalf of the Land Survey Authority. The thesis is about fish conservation and division of fishing water at official duty. It is the Land Survey Authority that examines division of fisheries, but before a case can be implemented, certain requirements must be achieved such as FBL 3:8, which prevent divisions that are deleterious for fish conservation. The purpose of this thesis is: to obtain a clearer view how FBL 3:8 should be applied in practice, how the application differs between the offices in central Sweden, and how fish care is regulated at both international and national levels.At an international level, in EU the commercial fishery is regulated through the common fisheries policy (CFP). The fisheries policy consists of a reform that will last for 10 years.

The socialdemokrats? long possession of government power from the 1930?s to 1976 gave them the opportunity to put their stamp on Swedish domestic and foreign affairs in the shadow of the cold war. The government policy in security and foreign affairs, therefore, was that of the socialdemokratic party. The stance of the government has been researched, but it lacks focus on the opposition. The purpose of this paper is to analyse Folkpartiet´s view of security and foreign affairs in comparison with government policy.

Servitut som inte uppfyller något ändamål eller inte använts under väldigt lång tid kallas onyttiga servitut. Ett onyttigt servitut försvinner inte automatiskt från Fastighetsregistret utan kvarstår och skapar en onödig belastning. Syftet med examensarbetet är att utreda hur hanteringen av servitut kan förbättras för att minska antalet onyttiga servitut i Fastighetsregistret.De metoder som används är en litteraturstudie och en intervjustudie. I litteraturstudien undersöks svensk lagstiftning och juridisk litteratur. Utdrag ur Fastighetsregistret och förrättningsakt visas för att ge praktiska exempel.

On the 8th of May 2007 a local power-sharing goverment consisting of Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) was formed in Northern Ireland. The aim of this dissertation is to explore why the DUP, who in the past have opposed all forms of power-sharing decided to form a goverment and take active part in a power-sharing agreement. The study is based on a consociational theoretical framework developed by Arend Lijphart and further developed in a Northern Irish context by John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary. Using this theory the study seeks to understand the broad conditions surrounding the DUP's power-sharing. After a description of consociational theory and the road leading up to the Belfast Agreement,three possible explanations for power-sharing, based onconsociational theory are discussed.

Penalty clauses is a term that can be put in an agreement and is an amount that shall be paid by a part of the agreement if they cause any damage to the other part by breaking the agreement. Penalty clauses have since around 100 years ago had a quite clear meaning in Sweden according to a lot of authors. These authors have the opinion that penalty clauses is an exclusive judgment of the compensation the victim has right to, that means that if the parties have put a lower amount in the clause the victim won?t get full coverage for the damages caused by the other party. That the penalty clause is an exclusive judgment of the victims right to compensation means that the victim doesn?t have the right to request other compensation above the compensation in the clause if nothing else is stated in the clause.A penalty clause may be viewed as a complement to compensation you get according to The Tort Liability Act (1972:206) where it is often difficult to obtain full compensation for damages when it is required that a number of conditions are to be met for damages deleted.