Aiming to contribute to the discourse on the sustainability of consociational democracy in plural societies, this case study provides an examination of Lebanon?s power sharing model. The study begins with an evaluation of the Taif Agreement. After acknowledging its effect on Lebanon?s consociational system the function and operation of Lijphart?s four consociational elements are analyzed.

The socialdemokrats? long possession of government power from the 1930?s to 1976 gave them the opportunity to put their stamp on Swedish domestic and foreign affairs in the shadow of the cold war. The government policy in security and foreign affairs, therefore, was that of the socialdemokratic party. The stance of the government has been researched, but it lacks focus on the opposition. The purpose of this paper is to analyse FolkpartietÂŽs view of security and foreign affairs in comparison with government policy.

People move between countries and establish connections all over the world. This results in a need to solve problems with cross-border inheritances and partitions of joint property. Today these situations are regulated by the countries? own international private law. EU has adopted a constitution that harmonizes rules of jurisdiction and applicable law for inheritances but not the partition of joint property.

In recent years the concern about the future of the European Union and itssupposed lack of democracy, efficiency and legitimacy has increased. Thisconcern has resulted in extensive debates and the establishment of a conventionwith the task to create a draft treaty for a European Constitution.The aim of this essay is to study how the three theoretical concepts,democracy, efficiency and legitimacy, have been described and used in the debateabout the future of the European Union. My main interest is to see how theseconcepts are described in a debate regarding a political system that goes beyondthe borders of the nation-state. I have made a comparative textual analysis of thedebates taken place in Sweden and Spain during a period of over two years. Ihave, for instance, found out that openness and clearness have a prominentposition as democratic values together with equality and justice (in Spain) and theinstitution of accountability (in Sweden).

On the 8th of May 2007 a local power-sharing goverment consisting of Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) was formed in Northern Ireland. The aim of this dissertation is to explore why the DUP, who in the past have opposed all forms of power-sharing decided to form a goverment and take active part in a power-sharing agreement. The study is based on a consociational theoretical framework developed by Arend Lijphart and further developed in a Northern Irish context by John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary. Using this theory the study seeks to understand the broad conditions surrounding the DUP's power-sharing. After a description of consociational theory and the road leading up to the Belfast Agreement,three possible explanations for power-sharing, based onconsociational theory are discussed.

The topic of this master thesis in legal science is state law and constitutional law, or more specific judicalization, with the division of power and thus increased individual legal rights in various forms. Sweden has traditionally had a weak constitutional protection for the individual?s legal rights. The public power has been concentrated to the government and the courts have only played a marginal role. Since the implementation of the European convention of legal rights and with the ever-increasing importance of the legal system of the European Union, the Swedish legal system gone through changes of historical dimensions.This master thesis is based on the legal dogmatic method where laws, preparatory work, case law and doctrines have been systemized.

Penalty clauses is a term that can be put in an agreement and is an amount that shall be paid by a part of the agreement if they cause any damage to the other part by breaking the agreement. Penalty clauses have since around 100 years ago had a quite clear meaning in Sweden according to a lot of authors. These authors have the opinion that penalty clauses is an exclusive judgment of the compensation the victim has right to, that means that if the parties have put a lower amount in the clause the victim won?t get full coverage for the damages caused by the other party. That the penalty clause is an exclusive judgment of the victims right to compensation means that the victim doesn?t have the right to request other compensation above the compensation in the clause if nothing else is stated in the clause.A penalty clause may be viewed as a complement to compensation you get according to The Tort Liability Act (1972:206) where it is often difficult to obtain full compensation for damages when it is required that a number of conditions are to be met for damages deleted.

The aim of this essay is to examine the background to the ongoing conflict between Spain and Basque. The conflicting parts and the opportunities of an agreement regarding a permanent cease-fire will also be examined. I chose to write about this conflict due to the fact that it has been going on for a long time, and is still going on.In order to be able to conduct the survey of this essay I have studied a wide range of books, reports from different institutions, and articles. I have strived for objectivity and to retail a fair description of the situation.To get a better understanding of the conflict the essay starts with history of conflict which has its beginning in the fifteenth century. Further on the essay is going to examine the conflicting parts that exist nowadays, and also the acting of different Basque political groups and the acting of the Spanish government.

The primary purpose of this thesis is to study how political agents construct and give meaning to the concepts of democracy, representative democracy and referendums. The starting point of the thesis is the pressing issue whether or not Sweden should hold a referendum on the new EU constitution. To analyze this question my choice of method is critical discourse analysis and the topical theories revolve around democracy and responsibility.My study shows that there are three different discourses in this debate: ?the democratic process?, ?the representative democracy? and ?the concept of democracy?. However, the meaning of the concepts in these discourses varies depending on which side the political agents are on.

A violent conflict emerged in the Indonesian province of Aceh in 1976, with the rebels of the Free Aceh Movement, GAM, on one side, and the Indonesian government on the other. GAM demanded Aceh to become independent, but the Indonesian government did not accept their nationalistic claims. The conflict therefore lasted for almost thirty years, and many civilians were killed during this period. This essay deals with this particular conflict; its causes and its solution. In the centre of the analysis we find theidentity of the Acehnese people, and the way in which this identity has beenconstructed and re-constructed throughout the history.

Sweden became a member of the European Union in 1995. When Sweden entered the Union the government also agreed on implementing every law, regulation and directive the Union have and will have in force. One directive the Union wants every country to implement is the Directive (93/104/EG) concerning certain aspects of the organization of working time. This directive includes regulations concerning the relationship between employer and employees. The regulations in the directive must be in force before January 1 2007.One of the main points in the directive is the possibility for the parties on the labour market to reach agreements through collective agreements that deviate from the legislation concerning work hours.

The intention of this study is to investigate why some regions, which choose to secede from their parent country, are internationally recognized and others are not. The case studies of this study are South Sudan and Somaliland. South Sudan is as of now the world?s newest state, and Somaliland is a break-away state that is considered a part of Somalia by the International community. There are conditions that have to be fulfilled, before existing nations recognize the break-away state, such as an agreement between the seceded state and the parent country, which was the case for South Sudan and Sudan.

How affected are the sugar production in Mozambique and Tanzania by EU sugar regime? What does the EU sugar reform constitute in these countries?Using theories regarding free trade and anti-free trade, I am able to answer these questions. The aim of this paper is to study how the various sugar agreements with EU affect the sugar production in Mozambique and Tanzania. Therefore I am using a method called a most similar system design in this comparative case study. The conclusion is that the EU sugar regime is the main reason to how the sugar productions in developing countries are.

AbstractThis essay discusses the negotiation of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the process that led up to a signed agreement. The CTBT forbids all nuclear weapon test explosions and all other types of nuclear explosions. The purpose of the study was to distinguish the critical steps of the negotiations that resulted in the success of the CTBT. Based on these insights, my intention was to identify relevant events and actors in the process around the Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT), which has been on the nuclear disarmament agenda for over a decade. Furthermore, my ambition was that the examination of the CTBT negotiation would give me some clarity in what the next step would be to get the FMCT back on track.

AbstractThis essay discusses the negotiation of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the process that led up to a signed agreement. The CTBT forbids all nuclear weapon test explosions and all other types of nuclear explosions. The purpose of the study was to distinguish the critical steps of the negotiations that resulted in the success of the CTBT. Based on these insights, my intention was to identify relevant events and actors in the process around the Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT), which has been on the nuclear disarmament agenda for over a decade. Furthermore, my ambition was that the examination of the CTBT negotiation would give me some clarity in what the next step would be to get the FMCT back on track.