What happens when employees within the police-force make mistakes in their line of duty? This essay set out to investigate the relationship between labour law sanctions and the criminal law punishments for wrongful acts for government employees. This relationship is also set in the perspective of how acts or statements of Xenophobia are handled within the Swedish police-force. Further, the essay aims to examine the principle of ne bis in idem in relation to labour law sanctions and criminal law punishment for wrongful acts, and if these two should be considered in line with this principle. Regarding the relationship between labour law sanctions and criminal law punishment for government employees, the determination for which system to use in any given situation is not fully stipulated.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how four teachers treats and teaches aboutXenophobia and right-wing extremism. A further aim of this study is to investigate whetherthere are any differences in how a teacher at a vocational high school treat and teachabout Xenophobia and right-wing extremism against the teacher at a preparatory school, theydo. To achieve my purpose I have used qualitative interviews of semi-structuredform.These interviews were done with two social studies teacher at a vocational high schooland two social studies teacher at a preparatory school.My results show that teachers all too often respond to xenophobic views directly into theclassroom by reasoning and discussions with students. In my resault is also evident thatthere is a big difference between the teachers at the schools how much time you devoteto Xenophobia and right-wing extremism in teaching.The conclusions show that these differences largely depend on which group of students thatteachers have.The conclusions will also be that there are great similarities between the way teachers reasonabout how to deal with Xenophobia and the means to do, they also are relatively similar..

The purpose of this paper is to examine how four teachers treats and teaches aboutXenophobia and right-wing extremism. A further aim of this study is to investigate whetherthere are any differences in how a teacher at a vocational high school treat and teachabout Xenophobia and right-wing extremism against the teacher at a preparatory school, theydo. To achieve my purpose I have used qualitative interviews of semi-structuredform.These interviews were done with two social studies teacher at a vocational high schooland two social studies teacher at a preparatory school.My results show that teachers all too often respond to xenophobic views directly into theclassroom by reasoning and discussions with students. In my resault is also evident thatthere is a big difference between the teachers at the schools how much time you devoteto Xenophobia and right-wing extremism in teaching.The conclusions show that these differences largely depend on which group of students thatteachers have.The conclusions will also be that there are great similarities between the way teachers reasonabout how to deal with Xenophobia and the means to do, they also are relatively similar..

The aim of the study is to research if the Sweden Democrats portray themselves in a way that can be described as populistic and xenophobic and also if this portrayal has changed over time.In order to do so, the terms of populism and Xenophobia has been defined by research and put together into two separate ideal types. Through the eyes of the two ideal types and their traits, four of the party programs of the Sweden Democrats have been researched to look at how they express themselves in the programs and if it can be connected to some of the traits within the two ideal types.The conclusion is that some of the traits are to be found in the programs, and that this also varies over time. From showing signs of both populism and Xenophobia, the populistic traits become less over time, while the xenophobic ones instead increases..

Denna undersökning är en analys av hur lärare på konkret didaktiskt sätt kan arbeta med invandrarfientlighet, men framförallt islamofobi i skolan. Resultatet av undersökningen kommer att visa att invandrarfientlighet fortfarande är ett stort problem i Sverige och att både media med internet i spetsen har en stor roll i förmedlandet av denna bild. I skolan är kunskapen om hur man arbetar med denna problematik väldigt bristfällig, speciellt när fokus ligger på islamofobi. Ett antal stiftelser och organisationer arbetar med att få fram mer utbildningsmaterial för lärare som ska förenkla arbetet med denna problematik..

In a multicultural society such as Sweden opposition between different ethnical groups can be hard to avoid. In the educational arena there is legislation and there are guidelines that aim to avert any kind of Xenophobia directed at individuals or groups. As teachers occupy the end point of the educational chain the execution of these guidelines is for the most part left up to them.This paper aims to study how teachers handle situations where Xenophobia is present and if so how they work preemptively against it. It also takes a closer look into the notion of professionalism within the teacher force with the aim of trying to answer whether teachers reach the requirements of professionalism. To do so we apply Gunnar Berg?s definition of the term 'professionalism' together with other scholars' thoughts on the subject.

The debate about affirmative action for ethnic minorities in countries with another majority culture is growing bigger in many parts of the world. However, it is often the debate misses the aborigines within the countries? borders. The aim of this paper is to investigate the possible conflict in opinions for xenophobic political parties when managing an aborigine population. I will use a qualitative method to study the ethnic minority Sámi in Sweden, Norway and Finland, and afterwards xenophobic parties view on them.To reach a result will I present a scale over Xenophobia ? Cosmopolitanism, which is described as a political cleavage.

The xenophobic attitudes in Europe are stronger than even. Never before have the member states had as many right-wing parties in action. The aim with this report is therefore to consider whether the Schengen cooperation has had an influence on the development of Xenophobia in the member states of EU. The Schengen cooperation became a part of the European Union in 1997, with the aim to abolish the internal border controls for citizens and strengthen the external boarders towards non-members. The intention is furthermore to investigate whether the distance to Schengen ?s external boarder has an impact on the xenophobic attitudes.Three countries are compared: Italy, Netherlands and the United Kingdom.

AbstraktBegreppet främlingsfientlig använd's ofta i media om Sverigedemokraterna efter valframgångarna 2006. Indirekt ger detta väljarna samma stämpel. Är det främlingsfientlighet som får väljarna att rösta på partiet? Är det något annat väljarna vill ha sagt med sina röster? Vad tror Sverigedemokraterna's politiker är anledningen bakom framgången? Det vill jag ta reda på i denna uppsat's.För att uppnå syftet att få väljarna's uppfattning har jag genomfört ett femtiotal intervjuer där mer än hälften har varit Sverigedemokrater. Elva personer är dessutom ledande politiker inom partiet.

The purpose with this essay is to investigate Swedish political parties who have had or has a restrictive immigration policy containing opinions, that can be classified as xenophobic, and their history and development as a party. The focus in this essay is centred on the politicization that the parties Ny demokrati and Sverigedemokraterna have gone through and the mobilization they have reached. The material that will be handled in this matter are mainly the parties? political programs that have been published in various forms, but these will be supplemented with secondary sources in the form of previous research, reviews by journalists and other literature. The result have shown that the development from 1970 ? 1980´s to today considering these type of organizations is that they have changed in their appearance, in the matter of how they convey their message, and the actual appearance of the party members more than the message itself.

With this thesis I have sought to do a critical review on how Islam is perceived and articulated by secondary school students in a school in a larger Swedish city. The aim is to analyse how some secondary students in Sweden talk about Islam, as a religion and as a school subject. To achieve this aim, seven focus group interviews with 36 students aged 15-16 have been conducted. These focus groups have discussed the general picture of Islam depicted by the society, media and through the school. But also how, and in what way that depiction has influenced their personal view of Islam.

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka gymnasieungdomars perspektiv på undervisning kring främlingsfientlighet och mångkultur. I min litteraturgenomgång har jag fångat upp vad forskningen kring dessa områden menar är relevanta. Som datainsamlingsmetod valde jag att använda mig av gruppintervjuer. Sammanlagt deltog elva elever i undersökningen. Resultatet från mina gruppintervjuer diskuteras sedan mot den forskning jag presenterat i tidigare avsnitt samt mot olika gymnasieskolans olika styrdokument.

This essay is about a debate concerning the magazine Axess, feminism and antifeminism - in relation to a issue of Axess called To a new feminism. The theoretical foundation of this essay is Pierre Bourdieu and his field theories. The battles taking place in this particular field concerns the positioning of feminism and antifeminism in the way we culturally interpret these in our society. The essay shows that the magazine Axess (at least in the first edition of 2012) links feminism with a very prominent symbolic capital in a culture context. This discussion can at times seem confusing, and this is probably due to the fact that Bourdieus symbolic capital can be a very abstract concept. The journalist and author Maria Sveland writes about the development of a culture moving towards accepting antifeminism (and also Xenophobia). She expresses the opinion that this, to a high degree, is due to actors in the culture domain with a big amount of trust in the public eye has moved towards expressing anti-feministic (and xenophobic) views.

This essay is about a debate concerning the magazine Axess, feminism and antifeminism - in relation to a issue of Axess called To a new feminism. The theoretical foundation of this essay is Pierre Bourdieu and his field theories. The battles taking place in this particular field concerns the positioning of feminism and antifeminism in the way we culturally interpret these in our society. The essay shows that the magazine Axess (at least in the first edition of 2012) links feminism with a very prominent symbolic capital in a culture context. This discussion can at times seem confusing, and this is probably due to the fact that Bourdieus symbolic capital can be a very abstract concept. The journalist and author Maria Sveland writes about the development of a culture moving towards accepting antifeminism (and also Xenophobia). She expresses the opinion that this, to a high degree, is due to actors in the culture domain with a big amount of trust in the public eye has moved towards expressing anti-feministic (and xenophobic) views.

This essay is about a debate concerning the magazine Axess, feminism and antifeminism - in relation to a issue of Axess called To a new feminism. The theoretical foundation of this essay is Pierre Bourdieu and his field theories. The battles taking place in this particular field concerns the positioning of feminism and antifeminism in the way we culturally interpret these in our society. The essay shows that the magazine Axess (at least in the first edition of 2012) links feminism with a very prominent symbolic capital in a culture context. This discussion can at times seem confusing, and this is probably due to the fact that Bourdieus symbolic capital can be a very abstract concept. The journalist and author Maria Sveland writes about the development of a culture moving towards accepting antifeminism (and also Xenophobia). She expresses the opinion that this, to a high degree, is due to actors in the culture domain with a big amount of trust in the public eye has moved towards expressing anti-feministic (and xenophobic) views.