Syfte: Studien har två huvudsakliga syften. Det första är att beskriva hur proxy Voting sker i Sverige och i hur pass stor omfattning proxy Voting förekommer. Det andra är att analysera proxy Voting utifrån den teoretiska bild som finns om bolagsstyrning och ägande.Metod: Vi intervjuade nyckelpersoner i proxy Voting-processen och genomförde en enkätundersökning med företag på large cap-listan.Slutsatser: Svensk bolagsstyrning är i förändring, ägare som visar upp ett nytt beteende. Det ställs krav på bättre informationssystem hos företag för att hantera proxy Voting. Delade meningar om proxy Voting som metod..

This thesis aims to investigate the Voting premium for companies differentiating Voting rights between share classes on the Stockholm Stock Exchange. The Voting premium represents the value of a vote attached to the share. The Voting premium can be estimated from the price premium between two listed share classes with differentiated Voting rights. Rydqvist's dissertation (1987) serves as a model for this study which investigates whether the theory of the so called "oceanic games", along with a proxy variable for cost of control, can predict the Voting premium during 2010-2012. To the original model developed by Rydqvist, control variables for differences in liquidity between share classes are added to investigate for an increase in the explanatory power.

The association between social parameters (i.e. socio-economy and level of education) and Voting behaviour has been reviewed and analysed based on data from municipal council elections in Stockholm and Gothenburg in 2002. Some social scientists argue that the class Voting is in decline and that new social cleavages have emerged. However, by using regression analysis techniques, this study implies a strong dependence of Voting behaviour on social parameters, such as socio-economic status (SES) and level of education. Socio-economy appears to be a dominant predictor in the analysis.

When studying the Voting behaviour of the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) concerning the Services Directive within the EU, what patterns can be observed? With a starting point in previous findings about Voting behaviour, this study analyses the results of the given Roll-call votes in the European Parliament in regards to the Services Directive. Here I focus on the division of votes within and between the member states and the parliamentary political groups; with the aim to identify patterns that might show clash of opinion concerning this issue. I found that ideology seems to play a role in the MEPs Voting behaviour. Parties on the far left reach the highest level of cohesion and together with the party on the far right, they voted against the Directive, but due to different reasons.

This thesis aims at studying the development of the party cohesion in the Swedish national parliament, riksdagen, after the introduction of preference Voting in the election of 1998. The party cohesion has been measured during parliamentary sessions before and after the reform. The result of the cohesion during each of the sessions has then been compared towards each other. The cohesion was measured between the members of parliament viewed as a whole, and within the party groups during the different sessions. The research method being used has been a quantified statistical Voting analysis, making the comparisons of party cohesion during the different parliamentary sessions as easy as possible.

Since the 1970s Voting behaviour has changed. Party identification and class Voting has declined. As the electorate becomes more volatile, campaign strategy and party image becomes essential. Political communication and mass media now play an important role in election campaigns. Therefore, researchers take an interest in the impact of media on public opinion.

This paper is a statistical examination about how the European Parliament views questions about equality between women and men. It focuses on how the members understand gender equality depending on ideological standpoint, nationality and gender. In other words, it focuses on whether the politicians have different point of views depending on which parliamentary political group they belong to, which member state they are coming from or which gender (man/woman) they have.Equality between women and men is a complex problem. This paper is concentrating on two questions; the problem about setting up a European gender institute and the problem about gender mainstreaming.The examination, which is a statistical examination about how politicians were Voting in both questions, shows that all variables, ideological standpoint, nationality and gender, are determining factors for their Voting behaviour in questions about gender equality. Ideological standpoint is the most important variable, second in place is gender and the least important factor is nationality..

This thesis investigates the effects of active ownership on the return on assets (ROA) of Swedish listed companies during the years 2003 to 2013. Active ownership is operationalized based on the probabilistic Voting model that is used to calculate the minimum amount of shares the largest shareholder needs in order to possess control of a contested vote at the shareholder meeting. We study the three largest lists on the Nasdaq OMX Stockholm, having 1454 observations from 207 companies to test our hypothesis. The main result from the study is that there's a significant positive relationship between active ownership and ROA during the investigated period. The active owners' relative strength also proves to have a significant positive relationship to ROA..

The number of parties in the Swedish parliament has increased from five to eight during the last twenty years. The political agenda is still based on a two-block system with the consequences that the number of parties in each block has increased. To be represented in the parliament, a party needs at least four per cent of the total votes in the election. If only one party fails to achieve that, the whole block will lose the election to the other block. This could encourage voters to vote tactically for the small parties in the block to ensure that the block wins the election.

Studies have found that the applicability of commercial marketing strategies within politics have increased in recent years as a result of a rising number of swing voters. The purpose of this paper was to investigate the effects of the commercial theory of incongruent information in political marketing in Sweden. Subsequently, an experiment with 742 participants was conducted, testing the effects of congruent and incongruent ad messages for two established Swedish parties. The effect of ad message choice on several well-established measures of ad effectiveness such as awareness, credibility, attitude, conviction and Voting intentions was analyzed. The results showed that incongruent information effectively increases attitude, conviction and Voting intention for voters who decide on the election day what party to vote for.

The aim of this study is to investigate how non-profit engagement influence Voting in school election, but also how the school has influenced the pupils to vote and if there are any differences between a big and a small town.The methods which have been used for this study are quantitative and qualitative, both questionnaires and interviews. To be able to see differences between a big and a small town the study was carried out in one school from each category of town.By examine the empirical material and analyse it with theories which are used for this study we have come to the conclusion that there are no obvious differences between pupils in the big town and the small town. Pupils in both schools were pretty engaged in associations, though had the pupils from the small town some higher level of engagement. Moreover, both schools had a high participation for the election. The result of the study showed that there were no noticeable tendencies on if the pupils choose to vote depending on engagement in associations.Furthermore, both schools were very engaged in the school election indeed.

Studien undersöker hur matematiska begrepp etableras i diskursen i klassrummet och hur lärare planerar för, iscensätter och bearbetar matematiska begrepp. Studiens syfte är att studera hur lärare hanterar matematiska begrepp i undervisningen ur ett specialpedagogiskt perspektiv. Utifrån studiens ansats väljs två kvalitativa datainsamlingsmetoder. Till detta infogas Selander & Kress (2010) formellt inramad lärsekvens och Hallidays (2004) tre metafunktioner och en ny metafunktion, den institutionell funktion (Boistrup- Björklund, 2010). Studien visar att procedurkunskap har en stor plats i undervisningen. Lärarna hanterar begrepp i förbifarten och funderar inte på vilken roll de språkliga uttrycken har.

Today, we see tendencies of politicians being more active in social media using selfies. According to previous research using selfies is associated with being self-centered and narcissistic. It is not known though what implications the behavior will have for a selfie-using politician in terms of chances of being elected. This study aims to contribute to the research on political communication and social media behavior. More specifically the study intends to investigate whether there is a difference between voters' views if a politician uses selfies or not, and whether there is a difference by gender.

The main purpose of this study is to examine celebrity candidates in the European Parliament election in Sweden and Finland. The theoretical background assumes that candidate Voting is beneficial in the election to the European Parliament. Previous research also shows that there are some opponents towards candidate Voting, claiming it personalizes politics and it might lead to celebrities getting elected simply because they are well known to the voters.This study is a comparative analysis and analyzes the differences between Sweden and Finland when it comes to celebrity candidates. Furthermore, Max Weber?s theory on leadership will be used to categorize the celebrity candidates further.

This study examines whether the policy breadth and the alternatives in European politics affect variations in voter turnout between member states in elections to the European Union Parliament.The theoretical approach assumes that; a larger political polarization, an increase in EU-skeptical parties and a greater Voting mobilization among groups with less means results in higher voter turnout figures. The study also consider four other variables; whether the election is held on weekends or weekdays, whether elections coincide with other national elections, whether a country has held the presidential of the EU during or the immediate term prior to the election and finally the turnout figures from national elections.The research design is based upon a quantitative analysis using data from EP elections, national elections and databases from the European Elections Studies (EES). Study unit is twelve member-state countries and their four latest EP elections (1994, 1999, 2004 and 2009). The selected member-states origin from the EU-15 excluding Belgium, Greece and Luxembourg due to their compulsory Voting laws.The study found relationships between higher turnout figures in EP-elections and increase in EU-skeptical parties, greater mobilization among groups with less means, elections held on weekends, elections coinciding with other, national elections and an increase in voter figures in national elections..