The study explores collective action in Sweden between 1980 to 1995 using time-series data from the European Protest and Coercion Database. In spite of severe hardship during the crisis of the early 1990s, Swedish strike-rates declined. However, contention merely shifted from workplaces into the streets; there was indeed a Protest movement against austerity, as shown by a series of large demonstrations, and some riots, between 1989 and 1993. Further analysis indicates this movement faded as it was increasingly chanelled into the electoral campaign of the labor pary; having won the 1994 election, the organised labor movement no longer had an interest in sustaining the Protest movement against austerity..

The study explores collective action in Sweden between 1980 to 1995 using time-series data from the European Protest and Coercion Database. In spite of severe hardship during the crisis of the early 1990s, Swedish strike-rates declined. However, contention merely shifted from workplaces into the streets; there was indeed a Protest movement against austerity, as shown by a series of large demonstrations, and some riots, between 1989 and 1993. Further analysis indicates this movement faded as it was increasingly chanelled into the electoral campaign of the labor pary; having won the 1994 election, the organised labor movement no longer had an interest in sustaining the Protest movement against austerity..

The study explores collective action in Sweden between 1980 to 1995 using time-series data from the European Protest and Coercion Database. In spite of severe hardship during the crisis of the early 1990s, Swedish strike-rates declined. However, contention merely shifted from workplaces into the streets; there was indeed a Protest movement against austerity, as shown by a series of large demonstrations, and some riots, between 1989 and 1993. Further analysis indicates this movement faded as it was increasingly chanelled into the electoral campaign of the labor pary; having won the 1994 election, the organised labor movement no longer had an interest in sustaining the Protest movement against austerity..

The study explores collective action in Sweden between 1980 to 1995 using time-series data from the European Protest and Coercion Database. In spite of severe hardship during the crisis of the early 1990s, Swedish strike-rates declined. However, contention merely shifted from workplaces into the streets; there was indeed a Protest movement against austerity, as shown by a series of large demonstrations, and some riots, between 1989 and 1993. Further analysis indicates this movement faded as it was increasingly chanelled into the electoral campaign of the labor pary; having won the 1994 election, the organised labor movement no longer had an interest in sustaining the Protest movement against austerity..

The law which makes the purchase, or the attempt to purchase, temporary sexual services a criminal offence has been implemented in Sweden for more than six years. It appears as if very few, possibly no, sex-selling women have used the law to report men who have bought their services during these years. How can this be understood? With this thesis I suggest a new way of thinking on agency. A way which questions the traditional view on action whereby agency equals to act in certain, predefined ways.

On subsequent days, the 18th and 19th of December 2012, large groups of young people gathered to Protest in the centre of Gothenburg. The gatherings mainly occurred outside two high schools: Plusgymnasiet and Framtidsgymnasiet. The reason behind the gathering has often been explained by the young people?s reaction to an Instagram account, on which offensive pictures and comments of and about young boys and girls had been published. As a reaction to the Protest, police force including helicopters and mounted police, was sent to the streets.

Political exit from governments is an unusual phenomenon within Swedish politics. The purpose of this essay is, from an ethical perspective, to particularize, understand and analyze the actions of the Swedish minister of defence, Mikael Odenberg, in his decision to exit the government in September 2007. We will put light on the ethical conflict Odenberg apprehended, the courses of actions and finally his ability to solve the ethical dilemma. The conclusion is that the case of Odenberg involves several dimensions of the conflict, associated with a succession of different loyalties. Odenberg were in two minds whether to act up to his own conviction or be in sympathy with the government.

AbstractI denna undersökning tolkas motståndsstrategier i Ulrike Meinhofs skrivna texter.Undersökningsmaterialet består av engelska översättningar av tre krönikor publicerade i denVästtyska tidsskriften konkret under året 1968: ?Counter-Violence?, ?From Protest toResistance? och ?Setting Fire to Department Stores?.Syftet är att tolka Meinhofs syn på motståndsstrategier i de tre krönikorna. Detta görsgenom att först tolka det deskriptiva innehållet i krönikorna; det vill säga vad texterna säger.Tolkningarna görs både kronologiskt och komparativt utifrån vilken typ av motståndsmetodsom beskrivs, motståndsmetodens syfte eller riktadhet, samt värderingen av en specifikmotståndsmetod och dess resultat eller konsekvenser. Den komparativa tolkningen utgörsvidare av en fokusering på krönikornas potentiella skillnader, olikheter eller förändringar.Syftet är också att utifrån den kronologiska och den komparativa tolkningen diskuterakrönikornas performativa funktion; det vill säga vad texterna gör.Uppsatsen är teoretisk och anknyter till en genusvetenskaplig, metodologiskutgångspunkt som innebär att teori och metod inte skiljs åt. Uppsatsen omfattas också av ettepistemologiskt ställningstagande som innebär att gränsen mellan forskningens subjekt ochobjekt ifrågasätts och diskuteras.

The purpose with this essay is to examine how arts and politics integrate to raise urgent messages and call upon social changes. Performance art as an artistic manifestation against the surveillance society has been studied to clarify this integration and through an empirical examination of the anarchistic performance group The Surveillance Camera Players. This group formed in New York City 1996 as a manifestation against the increased use of surveillance cameras in public places in Manhattan. Through performance in front of these cameras, The Surveillance Camera Players are able to express their Protest against the surveillance society which, occurring to them, violates citizens constitutionally right to privacy. The development and signification of the surveillance society are examined through theoretical perspective by foremost Michel Foucault, but also by contemporary scientist in that field.

The aim of this paper is to analyse the social movement Planka.nu with reference to the theory of new social movements in order to engage in a discussion about the presence of ?old? tradition and ?new? trends. As well as empirical, the purpose is also theoretical and methodological: to examine, and extend, the discussion about new and old social movements. A qualitative method is used. The analytical framework is based on a combination of theories of social movements and new social movements.

This study examines how a couple of Swedish daily newspapers construct the hacker network Anonymous, with an aim to discuss its possible effects. The question was: In which ways is the network Anonymous constructed in a few Swedish newspapers?                      26 articles from four chosen newspaper were analysed, but because of many similarities in content, only 10 were chosen for deep analysis. With Fairclough's model of critical discourse analysis as chosen method, constructions varying from the images of heroes to villains were found as a result. The most common construction was that of Anonymous as a threat, which was most often exaggerated compared to what actions were actually described in the texts.

The 1900s saw two incidents of states using their military in civil disorder situations, which resulted in the killing of unarmed citizens. May 14, 1931 in Ådalen, marks a significant part of Swedish history and its view of the use of military force.  On that day, a peaceful Protest march escalated, which resulted in live firing by the military stationed there to uphold law and order. This resulted in the deaths of five civilians and the prohibition of the use of military force in incidents of civil disorder. In 1972 in Northern Ireland a similar event took place on January 30, which is commonly known as Bloody Sunday. The Troubles were raging and resulted in Protests for civil rights by nationalists.

AbstractWhy do Political Parties emerge? ? A Study of "Sjukvårdspartiet i Värmland"Political Science, Johan UtterThe political parties have important roles to play in contemporary society. They act as bearers of power and presents the voters with finished packages of ideas on how society should grow, develop and change. Political parties are essential to the survival and wellbeing of representative democracy. Many theories have been developed over the years concerning matters related to political parties, but one area of research remains largely unexplored, namely the topic on why political parties do emerge in the first place.

Begreppet Whistleblower (Visselblåsare) avser en person som internt eller externt uppmärksammar missförhållanden eller andra oegentligheter på sin arbetsplats och som i vissa fall löper risk att drabbas av negativa konsekvenser för detta. Vi vill belysa detta utifrån ett svenskt perspektiv, med inriktning på lärare inom privat- och offentlig sektor. Syftet med denna studie är att skapa en förståelse för hur svenska lärare upplever att de blir bemötta vid framförd kritik om missförhållanden på arbetsplatsen. Vi vill även få en inblick i lärares uppfattningar av vad som krävs för att de ska känna större trygghet i att framföra kritik gentemot sin arbetsgivare, samt hur de ställer sig till en svensk whistleblowing-lagstiftning. För att undersöka detta har vi använt oss av en kvalitativ metod, i form av intervjuer med både lärare och en regional ombudsman.

Med utgångspunkt i George Lakoff och Mark Johnsons teori om den konceptuella metaforen analyseras i denna uppsats bildspråket i opionsjournalistiska texter som behandlar frågan om individualiserad föräldraförsäkring. Därtill anläggs med hjälp av Yvonne Hirdmans teori om genussystemet ett genuserspektiv, för att undersöka om metaforerna är könade och/eller reproducerar det binära könstänkandet. Materialet är hämtat från DN, Aftonbladet, Expressen och SvD under perioden januari 2010-novmeber 2013. .