The Xenophobic attitudes in Europe are stronger than even. Never before have the member states had as many right-wing parties in action. The aim with this report is therefore to consider whether the Schengen cooperation has had an influence on the development of xenophobia in the member states of EU. The Schengen cooperation became a part of the European Union in 1997, with the aim to abolish the internal border controls for citizens and strengthen the external boarders towards non-members. The intention is furthermore to investigate whether the distance to Schengen ?s external boarder has an impact on the Xenophobic attitudes.Three countries are compared: Italy, Netherlands and the United Kingdom.

The aim of the study is to research if the Sweden Democrats portray themselves in a way that can be described as populistic and Xenophobic and also if this portrayal has changed over time.In order to do so, the terms of populism and xenophobia has been defined by research and put together into two separate ideal types. Through the eyes of the two ideal types and their traits, four of the party programs of the Sweden Democrats have been researched to look at how they express themselves in the programs and if it can be connected to some of the traits within the two ideal types.The conclusion is that some of the traits are to be found in the programs, and that this also varies over time. From showing signs of both populism and xenophobia, the populistic traits become less over time, while the Xenophobic ones instead increases..

The debate about affirmative action for ethnic minorities in countries with another majority culture is growing bigger in many parts of the world. However, it is often the debate misses the aborigines within the countries? borders. The aim of this paper is to investigate the possible conflict in opinions for Xenophobic political parties when managing an aborigine population. I will use a qualitative method to study the ethnic minority Sámi in Sweden, Norway and Finland, and afterwards Xenophobic parties view on them.To reach a result will I present a scale over Xenophobia ? Cosmopolitanism, which is described as a political cleavage.

The purpose with this essay is to investigate Swedish political parties who have had or has a restrictive immigration policy containing opinions, that can be classified as Xenophobic, and their history and development as a party. The focus in this essay is centred on the politicization that the parties Ny demokrati and Sverigedemokraterna have gone through and the mobilization they have reached. The material that will be handled in this matter are mainly the parties? political programs that have been published in various forms, but these will be supplemented with secondary sources in the form of previous research, reviews by journalists and other literature. The result have shown that the development from 1970 ? 1980´s to today considering these type of organizations is that they have changed in their appearance, in the matter of how they convey their message, and the actual appearance of the party members more than the message itself.

Drawing on theories of ethnic representations in mainstream news media and racial discrimination (van Dijk 2000, Hultén 2006, Husband & Downing 2005, Wodak 2011), and using methods of critical discourse analysis (mainly van Dijk 1993, 1991, Fairclough 1995) this bachelor thesis aims to investigate the inter-textual and inter-discursive relationship between selected editorial and opinion pieces written by three mainstream right wing ?symbolic elites? and the Xenophobic blog ?Avpixlat?. The three selected symbolic elites are: Per Gudmundsson, editorial writer at the second largest Swedish newspaper SvD, Andreas Johansson Heinö, academic with a P.H.D. in political science, specialized on issues of integration and ethnic relations, and Paulina Neuding, editorial writer at SvD and editor in chief for right-wing oriented magazine Neo. All three are actively taking part in the mediated discussion of ethnic relations in Sweden from a liberal-conservative perspective.

This essay examines a small selection of Swedish newsreel and documentary short films, primarily travelogues, produced shortly before and after the second world war. The general aim is to expose differences in the representation of ?The Other? and the ?ethnic Swede? by applying a critical discourse analysis. The purpose is to illuminate how the material positions the latter as the norm and then contextualize this with Xenophobic currents that had developed up until the middle of the twentieth century. Theoretical and methodological framework is drawn from the field of cultural studies as well as the nonfiction film.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how four teachers treats and teaches aboutxenophobia and right-wing extremism. A further aim of this study is to investigate whetherthere are any differences in how a teacher at a vocational high school treat and teachabout xenophobia and right-wing extremism against the teacher at a preparatory school, theydo. To achieve my purpose I have used qualitative interviews of semi-structuredform.These interviews were done with two social studies teacher at a vocational high schooland two social studies teacher at a preparatory school.My results show that teachers all too often respond to Xenophobic views directly into theclassroom by reasoning and discussions with students. In my resault is also evident thatthere is a big difference between the teachers at the schools how much time you devoteto xenophobia and right-wing extremism in teaching.The conclusions show that these differences largely depend on which group of students thatteachers have.The conclusions will also be that there are great similarities between the way teachers reasonabout how to deal with xenophobia and the means to do, they also are relatively similar..

This essay is about a debate concerning the magazine Axess, feminism and antifeminism - in relation to a issue of Axess called To a new feminism. The theoretical foundation of this essay is Pierre Bourdieu and his field theories. The battles taking place in this particular field concerns the positioning of feminism and antifeminism in the way we culturally interpret these in our society. The essay shows that the magazine Axess (at least in the first edition of 2012) links feminism with a very prominent symbolic capital in a culture context. This discussion can at times seem confusing, and this is probably due to the fact that Bourdieus symbolic capital can be a very abstract concept. The journalist and author Maria Sveland writes about the development of a culture moving towards accepting antifeminism (and also xenophobia). She expresses the opinion that this, to a high degree, is due to actors in the culture domain with a big amount of trust in the public eye has moved towards expressing anti-feministic (and Xenophobic) views.

This essay is about a debate concerning the magazine Axess, feminism and antifeminism - in relation to a issue of Axess called To a new feminism. The theoretical foundation of this essay is Pierre Bourdieu and his field theories. The battles taking place in this particular field concerns the positioning of feminism and antifeminism in the way we culturally interpret these in our society. The essay shows that the magazine Axess (at least in the first edition of 2012) links feminism with a very prominent symbolic capital in a culture context. This discussion can at times seem confusing, and this is probably due to the fact that Bourdieus symbolic capital can be a very abstract concept. The journalist and author Maria Sveland writes about the development of a culture moving towards accepting antifeminism (and also xenophobia). She expresses the opinion that this, to a high degree, is due to actors in the culture domain with a big amount of trust in the public eye has moved towards expressing anti-feministic (and Xenophobic) views.

This essay is about a debate concerning the magazine Axess, feminism and antifeminism - in relation to a issue of Axess called To a new feminism. The theoretical foundation of this essay is Pierre Bourdieu and his field theories. The battles taking place in this particular field concerns the positioning of feminism and antifeminism in the way we culturally interpret these in our society. The essay shows that the magazine Axess (at least in the first edition of 2012) links feminism with a very prominent symbolic capital in a culture context. This discussion can at times seem confusing, and this is probably due to the fact that Bourdieus symbolic capital can be a very abstract concept. The journalist and author Maria Sveland writes about the development of a culture moving towards accepting antifeminism (and also xenophobia). She expresses the opinion that this, to a high degree, is due to actors in the culture domain with a big amount of trust in the public eye has moved towards expressing anti-feministic (and Xenophobic) views.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how four teachers treats and teaches aboutxenophobia and right-wing extremism. A further aim of this study is to investigate whetherthere are any differences in how a teacher at a vocational high school treat and teachabout xenophobia and right-wing extremism against the teacher at a preparatory school, theydo. To achieve my purpose I have used qualitative interviews of semi-structuredform.These interviews were done with two social studies teacher at a vocational high schooland two social studies teacher at a preparatory school.My results show that teachers all too often respond to Xenophobic views directly into theclassroom by reasoning and discussions with students. In my resault is also evident thatthere is a big difference between the teachers at the schools how much time you devoteto xenophobia and right-wing extremism in teaching.The conclusions show that these differences largely depend on which group of students thatteachers have.The conclusions will also be that there are great similarities between the way teachers reasonabout how to deal with xenophobia and the means to do, they also are relatively similar..

The purpose of this study is to investigate how six students at a Secondary School describes interaction patterns among teachers when students express in a way that the teacher perceives as racist and/or Xenophobic, by presenting a qualitative interview study. The interviews were analyzed by two opposing models of value education: the traditional and the constructive model.The results show that students divide teachers in different categories based on five qualities: 1) they listening, 2) they accept students' opinions, 3) they allow discussion, 4) they are knowledgeable and 5) they can express their own opinions.These qualities are included in the value pedagogical model for deliberative conversations, whose strategies for interaction aim to create an understanding of different rules and values, thereby creating skills of rules by using a democratic approach. In contrast to this model, the rule-based moral education, in which the teacher uses his authority and refers to rules without giving an explanation for why they occurred, as strategies. .

The purpose for this study is to compare two major Swedish daily newspapers ?Dagens Nyheter? and ?Svenska Dagbladet? and their statements regarding the electors of Sweden Democrats attitude regarding immigrants and immigration policy during the autumn of 2013. The scope was to analyze medias interpretation with the electors of the Sweden Democrats statements and opinions regarding their immigration policy. I have used three different ques­tions to fulfill my purpose; the first one is to describe how media chooses to present the elec­tors of Sweden Democrats opinions regarding immigrants. The second question is to reflect and pre­sent the electors own opinions on immigrants and their immigration policies.

The focus of this study is the ways in which the discourses of the three largest right-wing populist parties in Scandinavia ? Danish Dansk Folkeparti, Norwegian Fremskrittspartiet and Swedish Sverigedemokraterna ? are articulated and on defining which individuals they include and exclude. The discourses of the three parties are compared and analyzed to determine whether they constitute specific nationalist and culturally racist discourses. The problem is addressed by applying a social constructivist theory of nationalism and cultural racism, and specifically the binary opposition ?we? and ?them?, on a material consisting of the respective parties? member magazines from 2007.

This is a study about the relation between the Swedish school and the political system of Sweden. I wanted to see if the relation had changed since the election of 2010 as it was in that election the Sweden Democrats got over five percent of the votes and took seat in the Swedish parliament. The thing that is unique about this election is that it was really the first time a right-wing party had been elected into the Swedish parliament. Many experts argue that this is the first Xenophobic party that has been elected into the Swedish parliament. This led to a problem for schools and their principals and a difficult question to answer because xenophobia is contrary to the school?s core values and the school?s democratic mission.Should the school still be open for political parties? How do schools manage to distinguish between political information and political propaganda? If parties still are welcome into the schools, which parties should be allowed? The equality ombudsman has said in a report that the schools have to comply with the principle of objectivity, which stipulates that the public sector has to be unbiased.I have chosen to make use of a qualitative method because I think the study then gets a deeper understanding of the topic.