This essay is a discourse analysis of the integration politics of the different parties in the Swedish parliament and the non-parliamentary party ?the Swedish Democrats?, as it is presented on their respective web pages. The overall purpose is to problematize and shed a light on how the current discourse(s) about integration are constituted. Also of interest is how these construct our knowledge and experience of the phenomena. We furthermore want to illustrate the social consequences of such discourses on the construction and organization of identities and groups, and, as a result, the courses of action that becomes available.

AbstraktBegreppet främlingsfientlig använd's ofta i media om Sverigedemokraterna efter valframgångarna 2006. Indirekt ger detta väljarna samma stämpel. Är det främlingsfientlighet som får väljarna att rösta på partiet? Är det något annat väljarna vill ha sagt med sina röster? Vad tror Sverigedemokraterna's politiker är anledningen bakom framgången? Det vill jag ta reda på i denna uppsat's.För att uppnå syftet att få väljarna's uppfattning har jag genomfört ett femtiotal intervjuer där mer än hälften har varit Sverigedemokrater. Elva personer är dessutom ledande politiker inom partiet.

The main purpose of this analytic study which has a theoretical focus, Is to find out if the two Swedish parties Socialdemokraterna (s) - The Social Democrats - and Folkpartiet (p) - The Liberal Party - has taken position ideologically or strategically to the new sex-degree grading scale. The theory section describes the concepts of ideology and strategy. Despite the talk of the death of the ideologies, this don't need to be the case, they only adjust över time. The second key-point of this essay is strategy, a model based on Frostbergs reasoning illustrates this. A number of problem areas are presented.

The debate surrounding the opinion polls of the political party Sverigedemokraterna, and later their results in the Swedish election has been evident. The purpose of the study is to investigate how norms of equal treatment in social work practice might be influenced by Sverigedemokraterna's understanding of culture, ethnicity, nationality and religion. The thesis is outlined through the works of Teun van Dijk and Ruth Wodak (2000) regarding racist discourse in politics, Giorel Curran (2004) explaining lesser established parties influence on the broader discourses and Anders Hellström and Tom Nilsson (2010) attempting to ideologically position Sverigedemokraterna. With the method for analyzing policy documents designed by Carol Bacchi (2009) the latest motions from Sverigedemokraterna has been analyzed. Bacchi?s theoretical framework, together with theory concerning the expression of modern racism of John Hodge (1999), Paul Gilroy (1999) and Bennedict Anderson (1996) amongst others has been used to create an understanding of the material.

AbstractThe purpose of my study was to examine how four social studies teachers in upper secondary school interprets the democratic educational mission and core values, and if they believe that the same values are tools to influence the students' democratic approach and if they think it is possible. It is also the study's minor purpose to make an analysis of my findings and previous research in the area to explain any similarities or differences in the social studies teacher's interpretation and practice of the democratic educational mission and core values. I used qualitative semi-structured interviews as a method in which the interview questions were based on my research questions. The two criteria I had for my sample of respondents was that there would be social studies teacher at a upper secondary school and that I wanted to have two of each sex. Their interpretation and how they think they practice the democratic educational mission and core values are similar.

This essay examines the environmental ideological direction of the Swedish parliamentary parties through the private members motions directed to the committee of industry and trade and the committee of environment and agriculture during the governmental time from 2002 to 2006.The environmental ideologies explained is anthropocentrism, ecocentrism and biocentrism. Based on the ideas of these three ideologies main points the private members motions directed to the committee of industry and trade and the committee of environment and agriculture, also matching the search words environment and energy, was compared and analysed.What has emerged is that all parliamentary parties express a desire to create an energy production and producing guide lines which are stringent environmentally and matches the safety requirements. Although the approach to environmental and safety standards differ significantly between them. Basically all Swedish parliamentary parties are more or less anthropocentric in its arguments, which in short terms means that they estimate natures and animals value through their usability for humans or based on their contribution to human feelings of wellbeing.The Centre Party and the Green Party shows hints of weak ecocentrism because in many cases they put animal intrinsic value high, but the human value higher. Moderates are predominantly anthropocentric but they also express some hint of biocentrism in one statement concerning research in order to reduce and rebuild environmentally destroyed areas.

Det finns en hel del forskning om högerpopulistiska partiers relation till massmedier, och hur den högerextrema rörelsen använder sociala medier. Hur högerpopulistiska partier använder material från medierna för att rama in sina politiska budskap är däremot mindre utforskat.Frågeställningarna för undersökningen var hur Sverigedemokraterna agerar som news aggregator på sin Facebook-sida i samband med riksdagsvalet 2014, och hur partiet ramar in det redaktionella material de länkar till. En kvalitativ undersökning med utgångspunkt i teorin om framing gjordes av samtliga officiella inlägg på Sverigedemokraternas Facebook-sida under perioden 140801 ? 141031. Inläggen grupperades utifrån sex teman (mobilisering, Sverigedemokraterna mot etablissemanget, välfärd, ekonomi, invandring och hotet mot Sverige).

The proponents for conscience wants to get a clause that will allow the health professionals to due. scruples waive certain duties. Swedens decision makers has despite pressure from the Christian De-mocrats and the SWeden Democrats decided not to implement freedom of conscience in health care. The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether Sweden has the obligation to provide for freedom of conscience in health care. Furthermore, it must be examined, whose rights according to the law will go first, health professionals right to freedom of conscience or the patient right to equal treat-ment.

Sverigedemokraterna a?r ett radikalt ho?gerpopulistiskt parti som fortsa?tter att o?ka sedan valet a?r 2010. Vid en opinionsunderso?kning i april 2012 skulle partiet fa? 8 procent av medborgarnas ro?ster. Syftet med va?r uppsats a?r att fo?rsta? och fo?rklara vilka orsaker som ligger till grund fo?r att allt fler medborgare ro?star pa? Sverigedemokraterna.

The proponents for conscience wants to get a clause that will allow the health professionals to due. scruples waive certain duties. Swedens decision makers has despite pressure from the Christian De-mocrats and the SWeden Democrats decided not to implement freedom of conscience in health care. The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether Sweden has the obligation to provide for freedom of conscience in health care. Furthermore, it must be examined, whose rights according to the law will go first, health professionals right to freedom of conscience or the patient right to equal treat-ment.

The purpose of this study is to examine the effect the Nazi threat had on the swedish labour movement between 1932 and 1939 and to enrich what kind of pre-understanding they had about the fall of the Weimar Republic and the upcoming and effects of the Third Reich.Brought by the development in Germany, a debate and struggle took place in the Social Democratic journal Tiden over the meaning of concepts and there ability, in the hands of demagogs, to overthrow democratic structures. The concept of socialism and its concepts attribute play a major part in this investigation. By establishing fields of tension such as - nation vs internationalism, socialism in theory and in practice, political democracy vs evolved democracy and the diverse principles of neutrality, the first principle meaning the defending of national boarders, the other meaning not only defending your own country but taking an active part in defending democracy in the world - I was able to observe the movement and change of concepts within this fields. The result showing that the concept of socialism and near related attributes, in the hands of national socialists had undertaken a wast change of meaning, which applied in the Swedish debate threatened to undermine the power and force of the Social Democrats applied in the political discourse in Sweden. To defend itself and strengthening the Social Democratic hegemony as well as maintaining the goal of evolved democratic expansion, they were forced to win the confidence and votes of the middle class.

In modern, Swedish political science there are different ways of looking at ?democracy?. A very common distinction is that between three groups of democratic theories: electoral democracy, participation democracy and deliberative democracy.The nowadays frequently used concept of electoral democracy is often used as synonymous with the older concept of repre­­­­sen­tative or indirect democracy ? frequently regarded as a contrast to the direct democracy of ancient Athens. However, there are also important differences.

BackgroundPolitics in some ways has always been about communication and marketing. In Sweden some people believe that communication and meaningful relations with the voters are of no value, instead it is the political content that is of importance. Media evolution has changed the conditions of political marketing; this has meant that the choices of the right communication channels in political marketing have become more important today than ever. Political competition in Sweden has become more even in recent years, this has called for political communication and marketing to be more planed and well thought out. Political parties have therefore begun to spend millions on marketing themselves.

Titel: Ris eller ros i svensk press? ? en studie av Sverigedemokraternas gestaltning i två svenska tidningar under valrörelsen 2010Författare: Emelie PetterssonHandledare: Christer ClerwallKurs: Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap IIISyfte: Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka hur Sverigedemokraterna gestaltades i tidningarna Dagens nyheter och Expressen, inför valet 2010. Studien ämnar även kunna finna likheter eller skillnader i gestaltningen, i morgonpress respektive kvällspress.Teori: Studien har en tydlig teoretisk utgångspunkt, gestaltningsteorin. Gestaltningsteorin belyser mediers makt i dess olika form, på olika nivåer och med olika genomslagskraft. Studien utgår främst från Robert Entmans tankar om mediers gestaltningar.

?Liberal Democracy? is a common term in political theory, and it is used as if it had a commonly accepted referent, with both normative and descriptive content. This is certainly the case in democratic theory, where it on the one hand seems to refer to a normative democratic model; on the other hand it is used descriptively, to refer to real-life democracies. The deliberative democratic sub-field is not an exception; on the contrary, the term is frequently used albeit rarely defined; yet the concept it refers to is supposedly developed enough to allow detailed propositions about its citizens?s political behaviour.This essay is an attempt to analyze how Liberal Democracy is used by three deliberative democrats (Jürgen Habermas, John Dryzek and Stephen Elstub), in order to understand the democratic model (or models), whether normative or descriptive, they refer to.