This thesis focuses on the problems involving immigrants and their Voting behaviour in Sweden. We presuppose that immigrants vote in a far less extent than Swedish citizen according to general statistics. We try to explain and give solutions to this problem. To our help we use both integration theory focusing on multiculturalism and electoral participation theories.Starting off in these two theories, we have further analyzed a number of policies issued to solve the participation dilemma. The policies were issued in order to elevate the socio-economic standards, inform citizens and close the distance between voters and politicians.Our results show that what work best is long term ventures aiming at integrating immigrants to the Swedish society.

This study in political science examines the UN adopted resolution 1970 (2011) andresolution 1973 (2011) on the basis of foreign policy decision-making. The study aims toexplain how the UN principle of Responsibility to Protect came to be legitimized for the firsttime by the UN Security Council in the Libya conflict in 2011. By a poliheuristic perspectivethe study attempt to explain Russia and China?s acting in the Voting of resolution 1970 andresolution 1973. The background to the conflict in Libya 2011 is presented in the study aswell as the Security Council?s actions during the conflict, from the beginning of the conflictuntil the adoption of resolution 1973.

The tradition of a strong church ruling in the Swedish society ages back to the very first start of Christianity reaching the country.  Due to the separation between the church and state in 2000 in Sweden, there have been a lot of changes. No longer would the church be able to influence the politics as it had been able to do before. Since Sweden is a democratic country, the decision had to be made in a Voting amongst the parties. The purpose with this paper is to understand the argumentation made by the Swedish parties Socialdemokraterna, Kristdemokraterna and Centerpartiet. This has been made using a text analysis, which studies the argumentations made by the parties in their motions.

Aim: The aim of this study is to describe which messages and by which rhetorical means were communicated in political TV-advertisement in Finland and Sweden. The study also aims to analyze how the rhetorical choices were influenced by the political and social context in these countries.Material: Two TV-commercials from the latest parliamentary elections in each country were chosen. The leading left-wing and right-wing parties were chosen from each country.Theoretical perspective: This study is based on theories on political parties? vote maximization and the development of the modern electoral campaign.Methodology: The method used in this study is rhetorical analysis.Results: All commercials had similar themes and were characterized by a low level of conflict. This is related to the common Nordic context in the two countries.

This essay in economic geography describes what intra-firm trade as a concept is and different ways to determine in which cases trade is to be labeled as intra-firm trade (IFT) or not. The method used by the author is most easily described as descriptive. This method was chosen in order to test if existing theories; classic and neoclassic economics, new trade theory and international business studies, are capable to explain the phenomena of IFT. The theories are tested trough primary and secondary literature but also trough reasoning by the author.The conclusion is that the most reasonable way to determine whether trade occurs intra-firm or not, is to decide upon a 5-% rule where it when one part owns 5-% of the Voting strength in the other company is to be considered intra-firm trade. This is a conclusion based on several reasons; the strongest one being that a common view on IFT could boost comparative studies as the U.S already collects data based on the 5-% rule.Classic and neoclassic economics are incapable of explaining IFT as aprerequisite for these theories is that markets are perfect.

The question of direct citizen participation in politics and administration is a contestable one. Its proponents claim that it has positive consequences even for the more "traditional", representative democracy, since participation leads to an increased political knowledge and increased political interest, and thus creates a revitalised democracy. Critical voices have however been raised to the validity of this claim. Critics have also pointed out direct participation as problematic, because it leads to problems of political inequality: a difference of political influence between ? on the one hand, the citizens participating directly and those that restrict their political participation to Voting, and ? on the one the other hand ? between the institutions, for example schools, that employ, and don?t employ this method of direct citizen influence.In this essay, these two points of criticisms are tested in the context of user-boards in elementary and secondary schools.

This thesis examines political consumerism as a political tool for change. Consumers' attitudes and behaviour towards political consumerism is of special interest. The method used is a questionnaire with 59 participating students. Their answers are analysed both quantitatively and, to a lesser degree, qualitatively. The theoretical framework consists of Fishbein and Ajzen's theory of reasoned action and previously published research of essence.The consumers in this study generally rank corporate social responsibility (CSR) as important.

AbstractMedia presents hate crimes and nationalism as phenomenon that has increased both internationally and nationally in recent years. Further media largely pair these phenomenon together. The groups mostly exposed to hate and nationalism are people of different ethnic origin and LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bi, trans and queer) people. In Sweden's general election in 2010 a RHP-party, Sweden Democrats, made it in to Parliament. The purpose of this study was to examine how hate crimes and nationalism, in the form of the Sweden Democrats, has increased in Sweden and if there was any link between them.

Trots principen om avtalets subjektiva begränsning kan det finnas skäl till att utöka ett aktieägaravtals verkningar mot förvärvande tredje man för att skydda beaktansvärda intressen. Då rättsläget är oklart är det av intresse att undersöka huruvida en tolkning med laganalogins hjälp mot sakrättens samt skiljerättens område kan klargöra rättsläget.För att ge läsaren tillräcklig bakgrund för analysen beskrivs rättsläget vad gäller aktieägaravtal och de bakomliggande teorierna rörande den analogiska tillämpningen. Därefter analyseras undantag till avtalets subjektiva begränsning, varefter en diskussion följer där frågan huruvida analogier kan dras besvaras.Resultatet av denna framställning är att en analogisk tillämpning kan göras mot de två undersökta rättsområdena, dock endast i begränsad utsträckning vad gäller skiljerättens område. En kombinerad applicering av möjliga analogier från sakrättens och skiljerättens områden på aktieägaravtal leder till ett resultat där aktieägaravtalets bundenhet mot både förvärvande tredje man samt kvarstående parter klargörs..

The aim of this Master?s thesis is to examine values expressed towards the Swedish literary award Augustpriset in a selection of articles from Swedish newspapers published between the years 2000-2007. The questions posed in the study are: What types of values concerning Augustpriset are expressed in a selection of cultural journalistic articles? How is the relationship between intellectual culture and commercial culture reflected in the articles? How are positive and negative standpoints justified? How can Augustpriset and the journalists be understood as parts of intraconversion on the literary field? The study?s qualitative textual analysis is theoretically based on Pierre Bourdieu?s theory of the literary field. The method used for analysing the articles is idea analysis using dimensions constructed from Bourdieu?s description of two polarities, the intellectual and the commercial, of the literary field.

During the last decade millions of people have migrated to Europe. Parallel to this development, we see that many countries are becoming more hostile towards immigration. The success of radical right-wing parties (RHP) has been accredited to natives within the receiving countries turning to RHP to reduce their perceived threat from immigrants. Paradoxically, the RHP-support has also increased significantly among the immigrant population given the common assumption that immigrants are in solidarity with regards to shared experiences of immigration. In this dissertation, I argue for the importance of considering the increased RHP-support amongst immigrants, something that has been neglected in contemporary research.

Culture, orgin and identity are hot topics that are being discussed everywhere, for example in newspapers, lunchrooms and on Twitter. Politicians, media and ordinary people have displayed different antiracist acts, for example campaigns, marches and political actions.But you may wonder if it really is that effective, or if the antiracism reproduces racism with its language. The purpose of this study is to see if articles from the newspaper Aftonbladet's antiracist campaign ?We like different!? reproduces racism through its language.The method that is used is discourse analysis, more specific Chantal Laclau och Ernesto Mouffes discourse theory. The theories the study relies on are race, racism, framing, racism in news, binary oppositions, stereotypes, whiteness and orientalism.Two discourses were found in the material, ?We like different? and ?We like the same?.

A possible explanation for the inability of the governments of the world to implement necessary environmental policies is that they are worried of being punished by voters for implementing too forceful policies. But do voters actually punish governments that implement more stringent environmental policies? Few studies have explored this question directly. Parts of the literature on environmental policy and public opinion indicate that voters would predominantly reward governments that implement more stringent environmental policies, while other parts indicate that voters would predominantly punish them. It is also possible that voters punish governments that implement more stringent environmental policies in some contexts, but reward them in others.

The purpose of this thesis has been to; based on interviews with four teachers in Stockholm city, get at picture of preschool teacher?s viewpoint on children?s influence in preschool.Research questions: How is the children`s influence looked upon by the teachers in preschool?, In what ways do children?s influence affect their learning, In what ways are the interviewed preschool teachers working with democracy in preschool?To carry out this thesis, I used the qualitative method. In the qualitative method, use is made of the interview method to collect empirical data with interviews. I interviewed four preschool teachers from three different preschools. This thesis is built upon John Dewey?s philosophical thinking as a theoretical base.The result of this thesis shows that all preschool teachers felt that the application of children?s influence in the daily activities, although complicated, is essential in their work.

Code Voting", eller kodrostning, benamner system som mojliggor saker rostning viaosakra uppkopplingar och datorer. Hur dessa specikationer uppnas varierar mellanolika implementationer men innefattar alltid nagon form av kryptering. Vanligtforekommande ar ocksa utnyttjandet av en separat saker kanal for distribution avrostningsalternativ och eventuella kvittokoder.Kodrostning kan anvandas i situationer dar man vill underlatta for personen somska rosta (rostningen kan exempelvis ske genom en PC) samtidigt som man fortfarandevill garantera sekretess och dataintegritet. Systemen kan motivera sin korrekthetgenom transparens dar systemarkitekturen ihop med matematiska egenskaper ikrypteringen forsakrar att rostningen gar ratt till. Mojliga anvandningsomraden forkodrostning innefattar opinionsundersokningar dar personen skulle kunna meddelasin rost via sin dator istallet for att behova avsloja sitt val for en person via telefon.Kodrostning kan och har aven anvants i riktiga politiska val.