ABSTRACTThe study is an analysis of the politic debate about the decentralising of the public school between the years 1946 and 1990. The problem that the essay is about to study is which reason made the decentralising take place. The texts that have been read, interpreted and reconstructed are propositions, motions and written debates in the parliament. The purpose of the study is to examine the discussion about the schools decentralising in 1946-1990. The aim is also to examine what kind of pro- and contra arguments that are shown in the debate and who the interveners are and why they made a statement.

Based on the concept of rhetorical situation, the purpose of this study is to compare and describe the three Socialist leader's May Day speech from the years 1954, 1978 and 2011. The results of the analysis showed that there is a big difference in how the leaders chooses to appeal to the rhetorical audience. Erlander, 1954, never appealed directly to his audience which Palme, 1978, did both initially as repeatedly throughout his speech. Juholt, 2011, has a personal and frequent appeal which is repeated throughout his speech, which is interpreted as a sign of the intimization of the public language. It proved difficult to discuss the Socialist rhetoric as one unified form.

This study was performed in collaboration with Moelven Skog AB, Örebro district. The purpose of the study was to review existing literature in order to describe the current status of harvester based measurement technology as the way to provide information for calculating payment to the forest owners. In addition to this, a short survey was conducted to find out how a switch to harvester based measurement would affect the administrative workload on timber purchasers working for the district. The literature study shows that the harvester measurement technology is ready to use if it is combined with well-established routines for control of the harvesters, methods for automatic quality indexing of the timber and ways of creating pricelists specially adapted for harvester measurement. Pricing each stem seems to be the most promising method. Stem pricing has several benefits.

The purpose of this study is to investigate if reconciliation between former war-enemies and ethnic groups (Muslims, Croats and Serbs) in Bosnia and Hercegovina is possible today. Reconciliation between these groups is necessary for the development of the state and sustainable peace. In order to fulfil the aim I have applied qualitative conversation interviews together with qualitative literature study.In this research I have studied the three largest parties (SDA, HDZ and SDS) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Conversation interviews were made with two representatives of each party. The reconciliation theory and the recommendations that the theory advocates were used in the study.

The purpose of this paper is to make a qualitative content analysis. The used articles are taken from the time period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30 and the questions that this paper is based upon are:How do the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter define and diagnose the causes and problems of the iron pipe scandal during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-20?What kind of valuations and solutions does the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter provide of the iron pipe scandal during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30?Does the framing of the iron pipe scandal during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30 differ between the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter?The result of this paper shows that through the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter way of framing the Swedish democrats during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30, the society cannot get another picture of the Swedish Democrats than that they are a right wing populist party..

Apple has since their launch of the Iphone series created a billion dollar business with the market place Appstore. Third-party apps have disrupted the mobile industry, attracted a high number of developers and set the standard for the industry. Despite success, this market has yet not been the topic of any academic study, a fact that makes this thesis important. Under the assumption that apps can be regarded as a service, traditional service marketing theories have been applied with the research goal to map existing business models, evaluate revenue potential and understand best practices of marketing techniques. A series of qualitative interviews with representatives from the difference business models, backed by secondary data describing the domain shows how the Appstore has evolved over time and which marketing practices that appear successful.

On the 11th of march 2006, the journal Landskrona Posten began an article series with the ambition to review the juvenile gangs in the city of Landskrona. The articles received heavy response from the readers. About six months later Landskrona was the centre of attention in the Swedish media. 22,3 percent of the city's population had voted for the nationalist party ?Sverigedemokraterna? in the municipal election.

University of VäxjöSchool of Social SciencesBachelor Thesis in Political ScienceTitle: ?Sverigedemokraternas valframgångar 2006 ? En ulv i fårakläder??Author: Emma Haraldsson and Åsa NeuschützTutor: Emil UddhammarThe aim of this study is to explain Sverigedemokraterna?s electoral success in 2006 and the essay assumes that some form of change has occurred. To study this change two hypotheses have been constructed. The first hypothesis concerns the change within Sverigedemokraterna and the second hypothesis concerns the change of the Swedish voters attitudes.Kirchheimers catch-all theory is used to explain the change in Sverigedemokraterna. The catch-all theory states that parties have to change their structure to maximise the number of votes.

This essay examines the Swedish party Miljöpartiet de Gröna and their election campaign 2006. Focus is set on the local organisations in the region of Skåne by examining how they have carried through their campaigns as well as if they have experienced any obstacles in their campaign work. The primary research aim is to give a theoretical contribution as well as an increased knowledge of the local organisations work in the election campaign.Mainly this is a qualitative examination that revolves around the experiences of the organisation members. The material has been collected by interviews and a question survey. For analyse a concept device that correspond with campaign work- and election theory through a partly rational point of view has been constructed.

The PhonePages of Sweden is a company that develops software for mobile units, especially cell phones. This thesis treats the development of, and contingencies for, a mobile phone directory, using the limited resources found in a mobile unit. The project was implemented and executed at The PhonePages with the intention of creating a product to sell to a third party.By studying different solutions, their benefits and drawbacks, an abstract picture of the product was constructed. Problems covered include compatibility problems caused by todays platform diversity as well as problems with saving, organizing and presenting data.The main goal was to create a phone directory which does not make external information retrievals. The service should contain both company and personal information, with name and phonenumber.

In Sweden, the labour movement historically had influenced both society and politics. In recent times, it is considered a change in society with a stronger employer party while the unions weakened by reduced unionisation. This study aims to highlight the presence of individualistic and collectivistic approaches to the labour market in relation to union density. The different approaches are investigated in the labour market by means of a quantitative survey. The study's survey items are workers in the timber industry.

Syfte:Att med utgångspunkt ifrån gestaltningsteorin beskriva bilden utav Tea Partyrörelsen i Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet under tidsperioden mellan29/3 2010 ? 16/3 2011Metod:Kvalitativ textanalysHuvudresultat:Den generella mediabilden gestaltade en gräsrotsrörelse vars budskapgrundandes kring mindre skatt, mer frihet och mindre statsmakt. En rörelseunder informell ledning av Sarah Palin som hyste misstro gentemot BarackObama och Washington där den sistnämnde sades representera någotfrämmande och icke amerikanskt.Det fanns dock skillnader tidningarna emellan. Dagens Nyheter framställderörelsen i mångt och mycket som populistisk med återkommande rasistiskatendenser från såväl aktivister som högre uppsatta medlemmar. SvenskaDagbladet å sin sida åberopade däremot rörelsen som mer legitim i dess sätt attväcka entusiasm bland republikanerna.

Based on the concept of rhetorical situation, the purpose of this study is to compare and describe the three Socialist leader's May Day speech from the years 1954, 1978 and 2011. The results of the analysis showed that there is a big difference in how the leaders chooses to appeal to the rhetorical audience. Erlander, 1954, never appealed directly to his audience which Palme, 1978, did both initially as repeatedly throughout his speech. Juholt, 2011, has a personal and frequent appeal which is repeated throughout his speech, which is interpreted as a sign of the intimization of the public language. It proved difficult to discuss the Socialist rhetoric as one unified form.

Taiwan's recent democratization seem to have rallied a wider support of the notion of a national identity amongst its citizens which in the year 2000 led to the election of the pro-independence party DPP and President Chen Shui-bian. Meanwhile, China insists on the "one country, two systems" formula, regarding Taiwan as merely a Chinese province, and continues to fight any Taiwanese initiative towards sovereignty. Through a narrative perspective, this essay analyzes the self-conscious national identity-building quest embarked upon by DPP and President Chen Shui-bian. The analysis consists of three parts. Firstly, a text-analysis of President Chen Shui-bian's speeches is conducted to examine in what way he enforces and legitimizes the identity-building-process through narratives.

This thesis examines the possibility of Bolivian indigenous women?s social movements? getting their demands of a gender equal society fulfilled in the new state which was initiated in 2005 when Evo Morales became the first president representing the indigenous people of the country. By using a qualitative method I have showed that although the Bolivian indigenous women?s social movements? historically has been significant political actors for social change in the country, with representation at both regional and national level, Bolivian women are still subordinated in the social and political sphere. By applying a feminist intersectional perspective which takes its point of departure in a understanding of power as multidimensional, where gender, ethnicity and class are constitutive principals, multiculturalism theories and a social movements theory framework, I have found that even if institutional changes, that opened the system increased the indigenous women?s social movements political participation in Bolivia, power structures based on gender limited their possibilities to influence both socially and politically.