The purpose of the thesis is to investigate and analyze how three different actors linked to the urban transformation in the city of Kiruna, in this case LKAB, the Municipality of Kiruna and the County Administrative Board of Norrbotten, believe that the identity of a historical monument that is marked cultural heritage is affected by future relocation. The second part of the study is to investigate the impact the building might have on the city in the future. This study is based on the relocation of Hjalmar Lundbohmsgården.The study is based on a qualitative approach in which five informants from the three actors were interviewed. The interviews have been analyzed through thematic analysis, where a combination of theoretical thematic analysis and empirical thematic analysis was used. The result shows that the new location of Hjalmar Lundbohmsgården is preferred to be in a suitable context close to other cultural buildings. All informants agree that accessibility is a fundamental element in, which a synergistic effect is an increase in visitor numbers.

The purpose of this study is to evaluate the real aggregated consumption and empirically determine its exogenous variables. A multiplicative analysis is done in the context of government stabilization policy to find out how policymakers can execute a stimulus package that will bring the best multiplicative effect to the economy The conclusion of the study is that real income, net financial assets and real-estate price index are all statistically significant. An effective expansive fiscal policy is a public-financed investment in the private sector. Coordination is going to be crucial when stimulus package is developed due to the fact that leakage in the form of imports will prevent the expected multiplicative effect..

The essay aims to compare Swedish and Finnish decisions regarding refugee policies by tracing them back to the critical junctures when the policies were established, in order to explain why there are big differences prevalent today. The questions asked involve the motivations of the refugee policies and how they have changed over time.The theoretical framework employed is based on historical institutionalism and path dependency. By using a most similar system design and process tracing, material in the form of government declarations and government bills are studied and summed up in two analytical models. The results show that there might be a weak path dependency in the case of Finland. However it is more apparent in the case of Sweden, with frequent statements of a generous refugee policy that is characterised by humanity.

The purpose of this essay was to find out whether the students, which had moved from the school of Gustaf Adolf to the school of Elineberg, had been integrated into their new environment. We chose to analyze the degree of integration concerning their schoolwork, how they interacted with the students from the new school, the school of Elineberg, and their level of wellbeing in their new school. We have used two methods, surveys and interviews, to be able to obtain the general picture of how the integration of the students has succeeded.Our conclusions are that the student has adapted well in their new school despite many obstacles along the way. Our essay shows that the students get along well with their new school friends during class, but they don´t socialise in their spear time. Although they seem to have accepted the closure of their old school some students express that they wish the school would be reopened.

In the 1940s the Swedish town planning was inspired by the English city development with the concepts of neighbourhood and community planning. In order to promote democratic development and solidarity the ideal would be to create community centers with full service. Community centers are part of the building of the suburbs during the postwar period. The buildings in Sweden from 1940 - and -50s were built with the intentions to be good homes for all regardless of income, class and status. Collective solutions to individual problems were characteristic of the Swedish policy during this time.

Since the beginning of 2007 Stockholm Resilience Centre has produced scientifictransdisciplinary research in the subjects of sustainability and resilience. There is a highambition to communicate the results of the research to key stakeholders. One of the targetgroups is policy makers, because the mission identifies this group as important when reachingfor the main goal (vision) of the research institute. The media of choice is an e-newsletterwith the latest resilience research produced within Stockholm Resilience Centre. It is at thesame time an opportunity to bring forth the organisations objective connected with the vision.The newsletter is studied in the light of marketing communication with the purpose to clarifythe needs of policy makers, examine the limits and possibilities of the media and theorganisational aspects with the intention to give guidelines concerning the development of thenewsletter.

In this essay I analyze the concepts security and security policy from a critical, feministic point of view. The traditional way of thinking security is state-centred and narrow with its military oriented threatening pictures and solutions.I advocate that the two concepts need a more feministic and holistic approach to be able to cope with the threats of our time and include the security for women explicitly.To suggest how this can be done I introduce a model; security-sphere, which should be seen as a way to constructively connect my objections to the existing research with a new approach to security problems. The security-sphere is based on two analytical parts; the private security sub-sphere and the public security sub-sphere, in order to make new images of security problems visible.It is a fact that most of the threats against women specifically, take place in the private sphere where no traditional analytical tools reach in - these threats have not been seen as 'real' security problems. My aim is therefore to integrate these issues into the agenda of security policy..

Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka om det finns negativa konsekvenser av att använda sig för mycket av email istället för av andra typer av kommunikation inom organisationen.Det skickas stora mängder email varje dag inom organisationer, men många organisationer saknar policy för att styra denna kommunikation. Därför genomförs denna undersökning av emailvanor och hur email upplevs på Sörman Information AB.För att besvara syftet har en kvalitativ datainsamlingsmetod använts. Vi har genomfört tio intervjuer på en av avdelningarna på fallföretaget Sörman Information AB.Undersökningen har visat att email är den vanligaste kommunikationsvägen för arbetsrelaterad kommunikation mellan anställda på det undersökta företaget.Slutsatsen blir därmed att email till viss del har negativa konsekvenser för en organisation men de flesta problem går att minimera genom att behandla email på rätt sätt. Som ett hjälpmedel för detta har vi utformat ett utkast till en emailpolicy..

The aim of this bachelor thesis is to study how Catalans´ identifications, with respect to their city (Barcelona), their region (Catalonia), their country (Spain) and Europe, are related to each other. Furthermore it deals with whether they use cultural or civic notations when they speak of their identification with the different territorial levels.The thesis is based on a qualitative method with interviews with ten Catalans living in Barcelona, aged from 18 to 58. The result showed that Catalans´ identifications with different territorial levels vary in how they relate to each other. This variation can be classified using three models, namely; ?The Russian doll model? which implies that the identities are ranked hierarchically, ?cross-cutting? that is people can identify themselves with the different levels depending on various situations, and also ?The marble cake model? which means that the different identities are so intertwined that they cannot be separated.

The aim with this paper is to investigate how the Social Democratic Party (SAP) deals with the question of economic migrants, or more specifically how the problem is represented by the Social Democratic Party, and how this representation has developed over time. The SAP's theory became recently contested by a competing theory that was caused by the predicted future demographic development in Sweden, combined with the EU's eastern expansion. The first factor contributed to the re-write of the theory, to a theory that saw economic migrants as a solution instead of a problem, in direct contrast to SAP's theory. The second factor was a direct threat to SAP's labour immigration policy. This leads to my second question, how did SAP respond to this pressure?The answers to these questions are achieved by using discourse analysis by applying a problem oriented theory on empirical material, constituting propositions, articles in mass media and parliamentary debates.

Abstract The purpose of this essay is to compare the integration policy between Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna and Sverigedemokraterna with focus on labor-market integration, housing segregation and language knowledge. The international immigration has in recent years increased significantly and this has also enriched the receiving countries and still the numbers of extreme right parties have increased. In Sweden a racist populist party, Sverigedemokraterna, are only a few steps away from entering the parliament. The question in focus is: What differences or similarities are there between the integration politics between Moderaterna, Socialdemokraterna and Sverigedemokraterna with focus on the areas housing, work and language?  By applying the theoretical framework to the data, I have been able to present answers and build up an analysis. The study concludes that there are more similarities than differences in the integration policy between Moderaterna and Socialdemokraterna.

Discussions about the democratic deficit of the European Union have gotten more intense and the criticism usually points towards a great gap between the citizens and the EU politics. In this study the political communication policy is being put under the scope to investigate to what extent the policy is designed to counter the democratic deficit, supported by the theory of deliberative democracy. The analysis examines three aspects of the deficit ? decentralization, participation and the distribution of information ? and makes research into the communicative measures that have been implemented. The importance for EU to make deliberation possible is stressed throughout the essay and in the conclusion I argue that improvements still need to be made.  .

Public opinion has increasingly become a political force in the European integration process. At present, it appears that the people?s attitude towards the European integration is relatively skeptical. How can we expect that the attitude towards European integration will evolve in the future? This paper tests the extent to which diffusion theory can serve as a model to explain the development of attitudes to European integration policy in Sweden from 1999 until 2009.

AbstractTurkey has emerged as a major actor in the Middle East over the last decade, since the ruling party AKP came to power in 2002. Turkey is now playing a mediation role in regional conflicts and has been speaking out loudly on sensitive issues such as the Iranian nuclear program and the Palestinian- Israeli conflict. Furthermore, Turkey has established close ties with the Arab world which has suffered the relationship with its long-time ally Israel. This new presence in Middle East has been criticized by Turkey's allies in west. Critics argue that the country is about to abandon its former western relationship and strengthen their ties with the Arab world instead.This thesis has two main purposes.

The EU has for a long time had a special relationship with its former colonies in Africa Caribbean and the Pacific, called the ACP?countries. This relationship is about to change radically with the new partnership agreement signed in June 2000 in Cotonou. This essay aims to study the EU ?ACP Partnership Agreement from the perspectives of two different theories: The liberalist, free-trade policy theory and the nationalist/regionalist, protectionist theory.