In order to fully grasp the phenomena 'City' we must understand its political structure as an integrated part of its physical structure and vice versa. This thesis focuses on one crucial element of the City, the public space, and discusses it in relation to the public realm, or sphere, of the City. The aim is to see if it is possible to conceive public space as a spatial dimension of power, and if so, how to analyse this. With the help of the theoretical tool of two ideal types of the configuration of public space, "The city as civic public life" and "The city as authoritarian control" an empirical study is carried out on the case of Prishtina, capital of Kosovo.Conclusions made are that function and use of a city's public spaces can be understood in relation to changes in the political climate of the society. Furthermore, a void in the asset of concepts offered by the ideal types is found ? and therefore also need for new concepts to describe and understand a public space undergoing a dynamic transformation, as being a part of a city in political transition..

After the last European Union expansion the east European countries became members of the European Union. This meant that they would become apart of the Schengen agreement and that they would be able to travel, live and work anywhere in Europe. This came as a shock tothe Scandinavian trade unions that were worried that work migration would escalate, and that it would lead to social dumping, which would make the working conditions worse for the native workers. .The Swedish labour market is build up by the principal of negotiations. The evolution of the labour laws comes from the rules and regulations of collective agreements.The Lex Britannia principal was made to regulate the working conditions for guest workers in Sweden, by making it possible for trade unions to take industrial action against foreign companies to make them sign a Swedish collective agreement.Even though Swedish labour law includes an obligation to maintain industrial peace it is not valid for foreign companies.

In this thesis I will examine Willy Brandt's new Ostpolitik with the help of Robert Putnam's analytical framework of two-level games perspective and the theory of social constructivism. Firstly, I will briefly set out the development of Germany's history before it was divided into the Federal Republic of Germany and German Democratic Republic in 1949. After that I present West Germany's foreign policy from 1949 to 1969 in order to show how Willy Brandt continued and broke with different foreign policy doctrines. Finally, I want to illustrate his new Ostpolitik and the international and domestic factors, which contributed to its realisation. The main question of this essay is: How significant were the changes of the West German society for the realisation of the new Ostpolitik from 1969 to 1973? One of the most important findings in this essay is that on the one hand that many West Germans had accepted that their country was divided and on the other hand that many groups in the society such as the significant newspaper Die Zeit and intellectuals supported the new Ostpolitik.

Med hjälp av diskursanalys och en konstruktivistisk syn på identitet analyserar vi Bushadministrationens uttalanden efter 9/11. Vår utgångspunkt är att identitet är föränderlig och att den politiska diskursen skapar den nationella identiteten. Av vår analys framgår det tydligt att de amerikanska värdena och myterna lyfts fram i diskursen, samtidigt som en onyanserad beskrivning av fienden hjälper till att stärka den amerikanska identiteten. Världen målas upp som antingen svart eller vit, och det är USA:s, frihetens främsta boning på jorden, uppgift att försvara allt som är gott i världen.Diskursanalysen tillför en viktig aspekt till analysen - maktfrågan. Makten ligger framförallt i att denna diskurs totalt dominerar och därför försvårar alternativa tolkningar av världen.

Militära interventioner som syftar till att skydda humanitära värden har länge varit kontroversiella inom världssamfundet. Framförallt har det funnits olika uppfattningar om hur värnandet av mänskliga rättigheter ska kunna förenas med statssuveräniteten. Låsningar har ofta lett till handlingsförlamning på grund av detta. År 2001 lanserades begreppet ?Responsibility to Protect? som ett förslag till lösning på problematiken.

During the last few years the countries in the African continent have experienced an enormous increase in female politicians on a national level. Rwanda is even the country with the highest number of female politicians in its parliament in the world. Despite this development in Africa, the quantitative research on women's political representation in the world has not yet paid attention to the situation there. Some of the surveys that have been done have even excluded countries that do not fit the homogeneous pattern ? which is precisely the problem with African countries ? for it to be possible to explain the situation with existing theories.The intention of this paper is therefore to, with all of the 53 African countries included in the study, examine whether the already existing explanatory factors regarding women's political representation also can be applied to an African context to explain the situation there.

The aim of this thesis is to identify some of the obstacles to trade, that occurs on the common market, and to analyse the errors that still occurs in the national authorities application of the principle of mutual recognition. Is the principle of mutual recognition sufficient for the creation of a common market, or is there a need for additional measures to cope with the obstacles to trade that still exists on the common market? The problems related to the incorrect procedures of the national authorities and the fact that undertakings prefer to bring their products in to line with the rules of every single member state must be solved, if the principle of mutual recognition is to become trustworthy. On some areas, harmonisation ought to be chosen above the principle of mutual recognition, but in other cases an increased administrative collaboration, mandatory training for the national authorities or information campaigns intended mainly for undertakings could be the answer. The possibility to help undertakings to sue member states for damages should also be investigated.

France is committed to its ambition to lift the European Union's arms embargo imposed on China after the Tiananmen Square Massacre in 1989. France is of today the only member state that is acting to lift the arms embargo, evoking questions of motives behind its behavior. The underlying assumption in this essay is that France's actions reflect a need to find new ways of adapting itself and surviving faced with the threats of its decreased international influence. By using three different perspectives ? realism, liberalism and constructivism ? this essay examines three possible models of analysis to explain France's behavior.An analysis of the discourse covering this essay´s topic between 1989-2007 provided the basis of the paper.

Världen har förändrats från Kalla krigets stormaktsspel till dagens globaliserade värld, där internationella organisationer spelar en allt större roll i politiken. NATO som bildades i Kalla krigets motsättningar har ändrat fokus från att innan bara ha riktat sin blick mot öst till att idag verka som en global interventionsmakt.Vi har i vår normativa uppsats, med utgångspunkt i deontologin, analyserat NATO:s interventioner i Kosovo och Afghanistan efter Jus ad bellum-kriterierna som återfinns i Just War-teorins första del. Syftet med detta är att kunna ta ställning till huruvida NATO kan anses vara en legitim aktör i interventionssammanhang. För att kunna presentera ett bredare resonemang har vi även valt att kritiskt granska vårt teorival ur ett konstruktivistiskt synsätt. Det vi således har kommit fram till är att NATO:s interventioner varit legitima, men att organisationen i sig inte kan räknas som legitim i detta sammanhang på grund av dess tvivelaktigt demokratiska karaktär..

Den civilsamhälleliga arenan förknippas traditionellt med gräsrotsrörelser, och elitgruppers närvaro kan därmed förefalla vara ett kontraintuitivt och främmande inslag. Uppsatsens syfte är verifiera vår tes om att International Crisis Group är en aktör i det globala civilsamhället, och att globaliseringen av civilsamhället utgör den strukturella förutsättningen för detta aktörsskap. Genom en teorikonsumerande fallstudie med ett induktivt förhållningssätt har vi studerat organisationens aktörsskap i det globala civilsamhället. Det teoretiska ramverket består av aktör-strukturteori kombinerat med teorier om det globala civilsamhället, varur vi har konstruerat en analysmodell som bistår med ett nytt sätt att betrakta globalt aktörsskap. Globaliseringen av civilsamhället, som är en förutsättning för globala aktörer att verka, fordrade den strukturella förändringen som slutet på Kalla kriget bistod med.

AbstractThe Swedish National Board of Health and Welfare has since a year or so started to introduce a new way to work with childcare investigations within the social services. This new concept, BBIC, is meant to put the child?s needs in the first room rather than the grownup?s as it used to be before. This study is about to examine how BBIC affects the legal security of the children within these childcare investigations.BBIC was first developed in England after a massive criticism against the way that the foster home- and institutional care was handled. In Sweden, BBIC was first tested and developed into Swedish conditions in a few project municipalities for about five years but is now being introduced all over the country.

Den teoretiska utgångspunkten för denna teoriutvecklande studie ligger iGaltungs resonemang om det utökade våldsbegreppet och det strukturella våldet.Vi utvecklar här en egen metod för mätning av strukturellt våld som vi sedan applicerar på alla stater för vilka det finns tillgänglig statistik. Det strukturella våldet i vår empiriska undersökning utgörs av en politisk, en ekonomisk och en kulturell del. Syftet med studien är att undersöka om det föreligger någonkoppling mellan strukturellt våld och intern väpnad konflikt och om det i så fall går att förutspå utbrott av inbördeskrig. Särskild vikt läggs vid de fall som i vår undersökning avviker från vår förförståelse om sociala orättvisor och inbördeskrig. Dessa fall leder oss fram till en slutsats om hur metoden kan vidareutvecklas för att bättre förklara samband mellan strukturellt våld och utbrott av inbördeskrig..

Citizenship and immigration policy are controversial aspects of the European integration project. Fourteen years ago Roger Brubaker stated that the vital differences between German and French citizenship policy were unthinkable to harmonise. This paper therefore seeks to investigate whether the old image of the two countries are accurate. By evaluating citizenship and immigration policies in today's context with the increasing influence of European Union policy I here present a more correct picture of the situation in both countries. Partly to see how the harmonisation has come this far.

"Race" is often used as a marker to exclude people from a society. What is interesting is not so much what terms that are used to describe people, but by what meaning they are associated with. For this thesis articles published in daily magazines have been the material used. An argument driven in the essay is that identity and oppression is not constituted from one subject position, but from several, such as class, sexuality and gender. The first question posed is how "race" is constituted through discourses throughout the subject positions class, sexuality and gender.

The digitization in the Swedish health care sector is rapidly growing. This study investigates whether the digitalization in health care has led to higher quality and an increased value for patients. Interviews with staff in various health care professional categories were conducted to qualitatively study how the implementation of digitization is perceived in practice by those directly involved. Furthermore, an observation was made, where a doctor was followed duringa workday to study the different digitalization software tools that are being used. Previous studies and other relevant literature accompanied the study of digitalization in health care. Organizational theories were compared with the practical organization management at the studied health care organization, as well as their dependence on other authorities and companies.