In this thesis I discuss and analyse the relationship between USA and Europe since the end of the Cold War. Many authors claimed that the Soviet threat was the glue that kept the continents together. Now that threat is gone and new challenges have risen. In what way has this relationship been influenced by the new challenges this new era stands for? By doing a case study and by using two quite different theorists, John Mearsheimer an offensive realist and Joseph Nye who is a liberal institutionalist, I?ll try to show how for example September 11, anti-amerikanism and NATO can be explained and understood.

The ambition of this paper is to study the construction of the categorization between ?us? and ?them? in a religious minority, represented by Jehovah?s Witnesses and a nationalist political party, represented by the Swedish Democrats. This will be done by a discursive psychology analysis of their official publications on each group?s website. By a deductive study using Henri Tajfel?s Social Identity Theory trying to disclose the psychological processes; social categorization, social identity, social comparison and psychological distinctiveness.

Sweden's government says in the bill 2008/09: 140 that military service should be suspended and replaced with a system based on voluntary recruitment. In the essay, I will make an argument analysis of the parliamentary debate on the bill from the 12th of June 2009 with the following questions: On what is the different side?s argument based on? Are the arguments essentially and factually substantiated? Is there a clear political party tendency among the for-/counter arguments? The method is a "Pro et contra" analysis, a logical systematization of the arguments. The analysis will take start in the headline; Conscription should be suspended in favour of a voluntary system based on contract employed soldiers. The presentation of arguments in the analysis will be guided by the chronological order.

The aim of this study is to examine how young people look at and perceive drugs by studying how they discuss and reason about drugs. The essay's main interest is not whether young people use drugs or not. We are primarily interested in how young people talk about drugs. The questions that we want to get answered are:What are the beliefs that young people have about drugs, drug use and drug users? More specifically we seek answers to which images, symbols and attributes that young people links to drugs, drug use and drug users.What is important in young people's construction of beliefs about drugs and drug users? More specifically, which are the information sources and reference groups that young people assigns significance?We used focus group interviews as the research method.

This study focuses on nationalism in Central and Eastern Europe. Anchored in theories that this region historically has been characterized by a nationalism that is based on the ethnic group rather than on liberal or civic concepts, it is the purpose of this study to explore whether these theories still apply in recent times when the region has been liberalized, for example manifested in the entry to the European Union. The research question has been tested through analysis of the constitutions of a number of Central and Eastern European countries in order to investigate what type of nationalism that the states have codified in their basic political documents. The results show that some of the states give expression to the historical ethnic nationalism in their constitutions, which indicates that the theories still are relevant..

The ambition of this paper is to study the construction of the categorization between ?us? and ?them? in a religious minority, represented by Jehovah?s Witnesses and a nationalist political party, represented by the Swedish Democrats. This will be done by a discursive psychology analysis of their official publications on each group?s website. By a deductive study using Henri Tajfel?s Social Identity Theory trying to disclose the psychological processes; social categorization, social identity, social comparison and psychological distinctiveness.

The aim of the essay was to describe what some young Swedish and Spanish people had to say about alcohol cultures. Some of the questions asked were: How are the alcohol cultures in Sweden and Spain described? What are the differences, and where do they come from? What would an ideal alcohol culture look like? The investigation also had a comparing angle, as I was interested in what the people valued in their own culture and in the others´. The result was that there hardly exist a perfect alcohol culture, but that the stricter Sweden as well as the liberal Spain both have positive and negative aspects. Differences in politics and culture seem to create variations in a society´s drinking customs.

I uppsatsen undersöks fem "allmänna svenska" folkbildningsmöten hållna, huvudsakligen i Folkbildningsförbundets regi, mellan 1904 och 1920. Trots att de är väldokumenterade och gavs betydelse för folkbildningens utveckling av sin samtid, har de inte tidigare varit föremål för en egen studie. På grund av forskningsläget strävar undersökningen efter att tematisera mötena som en helhet, den iscensatta aktören Folkbildningsmötet. Undersökningens huvudsakliga källmaterial har varit de mötesberättelser som gavs ut i anslutning till mötena. Undersökningen visar att Folkbildningsmötet huvudsakligen ägnade sig åt administrativa frågor och agerade för en allsidig, "liberal" antiklassbildning..

Android is one of the leading software platforms for the new generation of smartphones. The market for applications is growing rapidly. So to be able to compete with such large competition the applications need a solid and stable development methodology. Therefore have we created an application based on a test-driven development, to investigate if the methodology was applicable on the Android platform. The conclusion is that Android?s suitability for test-driven development is dependent on the application that is being developed and if difficulties concerning the testing framework can be avoided.

Who is the journalist, a conversation analysis of interviews with party leaders during the 2006 election period, focus on the ideology of journalismÖrebro University, Department of Humanities, Media- and Communication studies, C-studySupervisor: Mats EkströmAuthor: Erica HellstrandIn contemporary society the media is part of the politics, or maybe, politics is part of the media. Whatever the case, they are important to each other, the media play a conclusive role in the connect between politics and citizens, and thus, results of election. The relation between the media and politics should continuously be studied and discussed in the continuously changing modern society.This paper examines the practice of news journalism in interviews with swedish party leaders during the 2006 election period. Focusing on how the ideology of journalism and the professional identity of journalists affect the practice the researcher hopes to contribute to the further understanding of the area. Steven E.

Young people?s political influence has been surveyed, studied and discussed several times in Sweden during the last decade. There is a fear among the politicians that the young people are not interested in politics, especially not in party politics. On the other hand there is, among the youngsters a feeling of invisibility, not being seen or heard or for that sake respected. There are a lot of formal possibilities for young people?s political influence, but there are not as many real possibilities or situations to actually practice these possibilities.

There was a silence surrounding homosexuality in the People's Republic of Poland. One can almost get the impression that same sex love, and same sex relationships, did not even exist there; that the communists had successfully removed homosexuality from society. The roots of this silence can be found in the Communist Party´s disdain for anything deemed individualist and deviant, and also in the conservatism and religiosity of the Polish society.In my thesis I study when and how gays and lesbians found a way out of the silence that surrounded their sexuality. Gay men did so by creating subcultures, which found refuge in parks, public bathrooms and a few bars in larger Polish cities, and offered a sense of belonging for them. Lesbians, on the other hand, lacked this access to semi-public spheres, which made it even harder for them to find each other and create a space for their sexuality.

The aim of the study is to research if the Sweden Democrats portray themselves in a way that can be described as populistic and xenophobic and also if this portrayal has changed over time.In order to do so, the terms of populism and xenophobia has been defined by research and put together into two separate ideal types. Through the eyes of the two ideal types and their traits, four of the party programs of the Sweden Democrats have been researched to look at how they express themselves in the programs and if it can be connected to some of the traits within the two ideal types.The conclusion is that some of the traits are to be found in the programs, and that this also varies over time. From showing signs of both populism and xenophobia, the populistic traits become less over time, while the xenophobic ones instead increases..

This essay examines the appearance of Ha?kan Juholt, former party leader of the swedish social democratic party, in the norwegian/swedish talk show Skavlan, during Juholt?s crisis of confidence in the autumn of 2011. In this appearance it is clear that Juholt is badly treated by the host Fredrik Skavlan, and his guest, writer and journalist Linn Ullmann, while the audience seems to applaud and laugh at Skavlans and Ullmanns criticisms.The purpose of this essay is to investigate how, and why Juholt is treated in this way, and which rhetorical strategies Skavlan and Ullmann employ to create community between them selves and their audience. To understand this occurrence it is important to study Juholt?s rhetorical situation, and which conditions his lack of confidence creates for his appearance in Skavlan.

Uppsatsen utgår från det moderna samhällets tro på den rationella individen och på en liberal frihetskatalog bestående av såväl ekonomiska, sociala, kulturella rättigheter och medborgerliga, politiska rättigheter. Utifrån denna teoriram belyser uppsatsen hur vi kan förstå kollektivavtalens rationalitet och funktion samt kopplar dessa till de mänskliga rättigheterna. Ett kollektivavtals huvudsakliga syfte och rationalitet kan kort beskrivas som att det reglerar arbetsmarknaden utan statligt inflytande och på en sådan nivå att såväl kapitalismen som arbetskraften ges en möjlighet att överleva, reproducera sig och bli starkare. Genom att detta sker utan statliga ingripande så riskerar inte heller staten att drabbas negativt vid missnöje med anställnings och arbetsvillkoren, men får ändå in de skattemedel som behövs för att fylla den liberala frihetskatalogen med ett sådant innehåll att de mänskliga rättigheterna kan hamna på en hög nivå..