The values of the Swedish school system is said to be rooted in the ethics of Christianity and western humanism. Critics say that this expression can be seen as a sign of an obscured eurocentrism when world-wide accepted values is said to be cared for by Christianity and the west. The purpose of this paper is to examine how the politicians argue on this issue, why the values of the Swedish school system should be said to be cared for by the ethics of Christianity and the western humanism. I also want to examine if these arguments in fact corresponds with the worldview of eurocentrism. The examination consists of a discourse analysis review of, for example, journals of the Swedish parliament, which is later compared with the theories of eurocentrism.I believe the argumentation can be categorized in three main categories: first a conservative ideological perspective where they are driven by the notion that the Swedish culture could be defined by establishing and defending its foundations; a philosophical/religious perspective where they want to justify the indisputable values they believe should be maintained in the schools; a eurocentric/psychological perspective where they tend to express the Swedish identity by defining what is typically characteristic of ?us? and typically characteristic of ?the others?.

This thesis explores the decisions behind swedish principals to permit or prohibit political parties from visiting schools. Through a series of semistructured qualitative interviews with five respondents from different high schools, insights were gathered into their motivations regarding political party visits to schools. The results indicate that principals view political party visits as significant for fostering civic engagement, aligned with the school's democratic mission. However, some principals opt to prohibit such visits due to concerns about non democratic values and potential disruptions. Practical considerations like safety, logistical issues, and conflict risks are also crucial in their decision-making, highlighting awareness of potential challenges posed by political visits.

The Swedish National Rail Administration has changed in the past decade, from its origin after a less dramatic separation from the Swedish State Railways to becoming an authority with its own identity. Today the National Rail Administration is a large organisation with several different departments, each with its own unique function. To operate train services the railway needs to be ?in shape?, leading to a need for maintenance, reinvestments and new investments. For this purpose, the National Rail Administration carries out public procurement where contractors, who are able to perform maintenance and new construction, submit tenders.

In 2022 Sweden held a national election where the results forced a coalitionconsisting of four parties to be created. The parties included were reachingfrom center-liberal to the party furthest to the right in the parliament. Withpolitical differences in between each other the parties made an agreementcalled ?Tid?avtalet? to create a collective policy platform that should be livedup to in the following election term. The purpose of this paper is to observe,analyze and discover if any ideological changes occurred with theimplementation of the coalition.

The overall purpose of this essay is to study in which degree the democratic model that is called participant democracy works in the Swedish municipalities. To achieve what I set out to do I will focus on a central political area in which the Swedish municipalities has sovereignty versus the state, in other words in an area where they rule themselves. That political area will then represent how well the participant democracy works in the Swedish municipalities. The research questions then becomes:Does the participant democracy at Swedish Municipality level work in a satisfying way?Does the participant democracy in a large Swedish Municipality in a central political area work?Does the participant democracy in a small Swedish Municipality in a central political area work?Are there similarities and differences between the municipalities?If so, how can that be explained?To answer these questions I will study documents regarding the planning and building area.

AbstractTitle:The Mediator?s Qualities - How are the negotiating parties effected by themediator's persistence and patience?Level:Final assignment for Bachelor DegreeAuthor:Johanna Strandberg and Emma HjalmarssonSupervisor:Jens Eklinder Frick and Jonas MolinDate:May 2015Aim:Our aim is to create a greater understanding of the negotiating parties'experience of the mediator's persistence and patience.Method:We have chosen a deductive approach that we have based our empirical dataon already existing research. Theoretical material has been gathered throughliterature, theses and scientific articles. With the background to our aim, we havechosen to use a qualitative approach where we have interviewed ten people who havebeen in contact with a real estate agent the last 24 months. The empirical data wasthen analysed and discussed in our analysis and conclusion.Result & Conclusions:We have found that the mediator's persistence and patienceaffect negotiating partners in various ways.

Populism has been an integral part of the Finnish political system since the late 1950's. At that time the Agrarian Populist Party, better known as The Rural Party, emerged and thrived for decades until the party financially broke down in the 1990's. Reemerging on the political scene as the True Finns, the party is more radical and more influential than ever, gaining enough support to be the third largest party of the 2011 parliamentary election. Sweden, Finland?s neighbor, in contrast has a history with very little populist presence or radical right populist parties (RRP-parties).

The EU Services Directive has caused an intense debate across Europe. Its purpose is to remove obstacles to trade and to open up the public sector to increased competition. The Swedish labour movement has been deeply involved in the policy process, and union leaders have proclaimed the compromise reached in the European Parliament in April 2006 as a success.In the paper two major aspects have been considered: the meaning of the Swedish model and the process of Europeanization. The Swedish model previously allowed for a strong labour movement, through a social democratic hegemony, but the EU membership has implied new conditions for union influence. The paper examines how this change has affected the strategic choices of the Swedish labour movement, and how it has been manifested in the union's work with the Services Directive.

Following changes in society and other influences, the ideology of political parties can evolveover time. For example, theories exist claiming that all parties in Sweden strive towards the"middle".A good example of a political party in Sweden which recently has gained entry toparliament is the Swedish Green Party (Miljöpartiet, MP).MP was initially influenced by a green ideology (ecologism) which started as a globalmovement stating that no other ideologies shared their concerns about the environment. Thegoal of the ideology was to, via an increased influence within the political system and throughsmall-scale production, increases both natural values and people's well being. By becomingelected into parliament it is plausible that the ideology of MP could have changed due to theinfluence of for example, the realities that parliamentary every day represent.The aim with this essay was to study the changes in MP's party program from the yearof 1994 and the most recent, to see if any changes have occurred related to MP's officialideology. The study was conducted using a comparative text analysis.

The objective of this undergraduate thesis is to study the Swedish Social Democatic Party?s standpoint of the law allowing asylum seekers to choose where to live (ebo) between 1994-2009. The study?s empirical material is being based on official documents from the Swedish Parliament, which is being analyzed by a method called ?process-tracing?. A research question has been formulated to supplement the objective:What arguments has the Swedish Social Democratic Party expressed pro and con the law of ?ebo?? The study?s theoretical framwork is based on two theories which explain incentives behind parties? decision-making, strategic or ideological, on three arenas. As the law was ratified the party took a positive standpoint, but later shifted to become stricly against it.

During the later parts of the 20th century there occurred several changes to the Swedish public sector. These changes aimed to effectivize and decentralize the governance model in the public sector. One of these changes was the municipalization of the school system, put forward and proposed by the social democratic government in the late 1980s and early 1990s. This study aims to examine and compare that times different parliamentary parties' opinions on the municipalization of the school system. The source material consists of government bills, and in direct relation to the municipalization of the school system.

The Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) has for a long time been the subject of study by political scientists. In the meantime they have been categorized as National Socialists, Fascists, right-wing extremists and more recently radical right populists. But it has not been categorized according to the theories that I expect. The purpose of this essay is to study how well Sweden Democrats policies match with ideas that are typical for radical right populist parties. The main research question is:- Are Sweden Democrats showing details which are typical for radical right populist parties?To be able to answer those questions, I have used an ideal type analysis and developed an analysis instrument according the theoretical approach and the methods in Bergström & Boréus book.

In a suburb of Stockholm, local polititians descide to close down an elemantary school. Because of its shortage of pupils, the polititians claim they can not guarantee the quality of the school and the public requreiments of equal education. The school-employed teachers and parents of the pupils are all unhapy with the descision, but first and foremost dissatisfaied with how the descision was communicated.Using qualitative methods; interviews and content analisys, this thesis aimes to determine how the involved parties, in regards to the termination of the school, view the concepts of freedom of choice, equal education and quality. Interviews have been made with decision-makers, employees of the school, the school leader, one civil servant and parents; all with the goal of understanding how the involved parties view the events leading to the termination of the school and what causes they see. Furthermore, the thesis analyses if and why the involved parties experience the decision as legitimate..

Essay in political science, C-level by Mikael GranathAutumn semester 2012, Tutor: Freddy Kjellström- Ideological convergence in Swedish party politics?- An analysis of ideologies of the Swedish Social Democratic party and the Swedish Moderateparty and their healthcare and health service policies between the years of 2002 and 2010.The main purpose of this study is to examine the truthfulness in the common perception thatthe Swedish moderate party and the Swedish social democratic party are increasingly sharingthe same political views - particularly between the years of 2002 and 2010. The main researchquestion is:?Did the Swedish Moderate party and the Swedish Social Democratic partyideologically position themselves closer in the year of 2002 than they did in 2010within the health care policy area?The research design chosen for this study can be labelled as a comparative case study wherethe two political parties party programs and election manifestos that were current in the yearof 2002 and 2010 are studied. This is done to give a better view of ideological change.

AbstractThe purpose of this minor thesis is to describe and systematize the Swedish debate about Sweden?s participation in the defence community of the European Union. Should Sweden take part of this or not? My aim is to describe the debate in a structured and legible way, so that the reader can get a comprehensive picture. The questions of the study are:· Which actors join in the Swedish debate about Sweden?s military participation in the EU:s defensive community; the possible common defence of the EU and the EU:s military crisis management?· Which arguments are delivered (for and against) in the debate?To be able to fulfil the aim of this study I have done an argumentation analysis.