Syftet med den här uppsatsen har varit att undersöka på vilket sätt ICA-reklamen gestaltar Sverige. Med nationalism, myter och ideologi som teoretiska utgångspunkter syftar uppsatsen till att komma närmare hur myten om Sverige rekonstrueras i ICA:s reklamfilmer, samt vilken roll ICA har i det Sverige som framställs.Efter en förstudie på de av ICA:s reklamfilmer som sänts i TV det senaste halvåret har ett strategiskt val gjorts. Utifrån ett semiotiskt angreppssätt har en kvalitativ innehållsanalys genomförts på tre av ICA:s reklamfilmer från 2014. Analysen visar att genom användningen av tecken som symboliserar Sverige i reklamfilmerna konstrueras myter om den svenska familjen, svensken och Sverige. ICA bidrar därmed genom sina reklamfilmer till mytifieringen av Sverige.Slutsatserna dras till att genom de här tre reklamfilmerna gestaltar ICA Sverige som ett land med hälsosamma och medvetna invånare som helst äter svenskproducerad mat och lever i kärnfamiljskonstellationer.

In this thesis I discuss and analyse the use of violence of Basque radical nationalists after the 11th of September 2001 and the bombing of Madrid the 11th of March 2004. The field study is performed in the Basque country with interviews both on the French and Spanish side of the border with representatives from the Basque Nationalist Liberation Movement (BNLM).After the 11th of September the Spanish government continued its struggle against the countries own terror - ETA. But as the research will show the new political context after the 11/9 made it possible for the state to intensify the labelling of groups from the BNLM as terrorist organisations and thereby putting its members and leaders in prison for terrorism. My research shows that this social change may lead to a mobilisation of activists inside ETA, which in turn might create a continuity of the group's use of violence. The scenario is though challenged by an other setting in which the political situation after the 11/9 have made use of violence by militant groups like ETA illegitimate and irrational as a consequence of the mental trauma among the people of the western world.

Uppsatsen behandlar våldtäkt som krigföring och hur fenomenet kan förstås med ett intersektionellt perspektiv. Detta har vi gjort utifrån fallstudien som metod då vi har låtit en dom från the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), vilken behandlar en rad händelser i staden Foca, Bosnien-Hercegovina, stå som det huvudsakliga empiriska exemplet. I analysen utgår vi från denna dom samt tidigare forskning för att komplettera empirin, men även för att föra vidare teoretiska diskussioner om våldtäkt som krigföring utifrån vårt intersektionella perspektiv. Detta innebär att vi visar på hur olika maktstrukturer samverkar och vad de har för betydelse för det granskade fenomenet, något som den tidigare forskningen har saknat hittills. Utifrån de socialt konstruerade kategorierna kön, genus, "ras"/etnicitet, religion, nationalism och sexualitet erbjuder uppsatsen förklaringar till användandet av våldtäkt som krigföring, vilka alla går ut på att "de andra" skall nedvärderas samtidigt som den egna identiteten uppvärderas.

This thesis explores in which ways the portrayal of the event known as the Stockholm bloodbath has changed during the period 1869-1996. This is done through textbook analysis. In Sweden, history has been a school subject since the 17th century, and has throughout its history had a formative role in the Swedish school system. In the middle of the 19th century it was specifically stated that the aim was to help students nurture a sense of national pride and love of country. The aim of the study is to investigate how nationally loaded events have been portrayed in text books, as well as if and how the evolution of said textbooks reflect the evolution of the history subject as a whole.

The ambition of this paper is to study the construction of the categorization between ?us? and ?them? in a religious minority, represented by Jehovah?s Witnesses and a nationalist political party, represented by the Swedish Democrats. This will be done by a discursive psychology analysis of their official publications on each group?s website. By a deductive study using Henri Tajfel?s Social Identity Theory trying to disclose the psychological processes; social categorization, social identity, social comparison and psychological distinctiveness.

I uppsatsen beskrivs och undersöks kyrkans, historikernas och statens samarbete under 1800-talet för att påverka befolkningen att leva efter katekesens budskap och ta till sig den nationella historieskrivningens samhällsuppfattning, liksom den obligatoriska folkskolans roll i samarbetet. Motståndet, såväl öppet som i underströmmar, beskrivs som motpol till de offentliga budskapen..

The aim of this master's thesis is to describe the role of language and culture as ethnical identification factors and illustrate how these have been used as political weapons by the Serb regime in Kosovo during the last decade. The thesis discusses the concept of ethnicity, the relations between the politics of identity, nationalism, ethnic mobilization and the importance of language and culture. Kosovo has historically been characterized by severe ethnic antagonism between Serbs and Albanians. Different languages, cultures and religions beside political processes led to ethnic cleavages that paved the way for ethnocentrism, ethnonationalism, chauvinism, ethnic cleansing and civil war. Since 1989, the Serbian authorities have intervened in all important spheres of life, in an attempt to Serbianize Kosovo.

This paper seeks to clarify the attitudes and positions of five Swedish Christiannewspapers in relation to the Suffrage reform (1907-11) and the Courtyardcrisis (1914). Furthermore I try to investigate the reasons behind their attitudesand positions. The five newspapers examined are: Göteborgs Stifts-Tidning,Församlingsbladet, Vår Lösen, Svenska Morgonbladet and Wecko-Posten.The results of my research show both convergence and divergence. Commonfor the newspapers is their criticism of the political agitation on the basisof ethics and that they all, except for Göteborgs Stifts-Tidning, recognizedemocratic principles. Divergence is evident, for example, in the reactions tothe consequences of the Courtyard crisis.I have distinguished three main factors that may help to explain the attitudesand positions of the newspapers?: nationalism versus internationalism,confessionalism and polarized political positions, and have found that the conceptof a ?Christian press? can be defended as well as put into question.

On the 12:th of April 2011, the Swedish tabloid magazine Expressen publishes a story, claiming that Ola Lindholm, presenter of critically acclaimed TV-show ?Wild Kids? has been suspected and apprehended on cocaine allegations. The serious allegation called for Ola Lindholm to defend himself against the allegations. His only public response was a blog-post where he claimed his innocence, albeit with some reservations.  The purpose of this paper is to analyze Lindholm?s rhetorical defense.

Abstract (magisteruppsats, 61-80p)This paper is concerned with the national sentiments in the Federal State of Germany,regarding the east- and west-German cleavages, since the unification of the country in 1990.The point of departure is the nationalistic theory crafted together by the scholar AnthonyDavid Smith, which implies an ethno-symbolistic perspective on the dynamics of nations.The main question in the paper is to which extent you can consider the East- and WestGermans to be a unity, considering the past and the forty-year-division. For this reason theauthor basically uses two different sources: scientific books and the German journal DerSpiegel.Founded on Smith's theory, the study contains a broad explanation for national identities incontemporary states, which ranges from pre-modern times, when the ethnic communities werecreated, to the national world of today.The discontinuity of the German case, represented by the separation 1949-90 of the Germannation into two entirely different societies, makes it possible to draw conclusions about whichfactor that has the pivotal impact on national identities.The result turns out to be that the national historical core-values and symbols of the currentGerman state and nation are more profound than the splitting national sentiments. Thus theGerman nation is likely to recover from its Cold War break-up.Keywords: German unification, A. D. Smith, Nation and nationalism, National identity, DerSpiegel.

Jag har med hjälp av Norman Faircloughs modell för kritisk diskursanalys bearbetat 60 mediatexter som på något sätt berör fotbollsspelaren Zlatan Ibrahimovic och två särskilda händelser under hösten 2003. Jag har redovisat teorier som diskuterar samband mellan nationalism, rasism, identitet, idrott och media, samt några klassiska sociologiska teorier om identitet och maktstrukturer. Syftet har varit att söka svar på hur den mediala bilden av Zlatan Ibrahimovic tecknas och vilka egenskaper han framställs som bärare av, på om det förekommer några nationalistiska och/eller rasistiska diskurser i materialet, samt på om Zlatan Ibrahimovic representeras som svensk eller som invandrare, en Annan, och vilka orsakerna skulle kunna vara till den representation materialet ger. Jag fann att texterna om Zlatan Ibrahimovic i stort konstruerar en medial bild av honom som en Annan, och att det sätt Zlatan Ibrahimovic omtalas kan jämföras med hur invandraren generellt omtalas i svenska medier. Jag har även funnit att det sportjournalistiska textmaterialet är starkt präglat av nationalistiska diskurser, och även av diskurser som flera av de refererade teoretikerna i detta arbete placerar under en övergripande rubrik av rasism.

This thesis explores how art produced in the former GDR has been looked upon, handled and exhibited after the reunification of Germany in 1990. Swedish Art History has paid little attention to art in the GDR. The debate starting in the 50s between the spokesmen for abstract art and the defenders of figuration restrained for a long period the ability to look upon art from the GDR without prejudices. This led to a rejection of all figurative art in the GDR and sweeping judgmental attitudes, like it´s all ?kitsch?.

The genetic relationship between three Swedish horse breeds was investigated using microsatellite data from 144 loci in 30 horses. The North Swedish Trotter is believed to have been crossed with the Standardbred in the 1950?s to produce a faster trotter. If true, the North Swedish Trotter should be more alike the Standardbred than what the North Swedish Draught Horse is, from which they originate. This was investigated using F-statistics and Nei?s distance in GENEPOP and GENETIX and cluster assignment in STRUCTURE.

The Sweden Democrats uses a term to describe a situation where ?swedes? are being discriminated against by other ethnic groups and where the elite is promoting this. The term ?svenskfientlighet? can be translated as ?swedofobia? and in this thesis a speech by the party leader Jimmie Åkesson held during the election campaign that solely was dedicated to this term is being analyzed with the help of tools developed by the scholar Ruth Wodak. Ruth Wodak has previously analyzed the rhetoric by other European right-wing-populist parties like FPÖ in Austria and has asked for other researchers to analyze the speech used by right-wing-populist and extremist parties to get a better understanding for just how these parties construct their different enemies.

This study aims to gain greater knowledge about the use of framing in local sports journalism. We did this by doing a qualitative content analysis of the local Swedish newspaper Barometern/OT and it?s coverage of the largest local football team, Kalmar FF. We randomly selected six of the team?s games during 2014 and analysed all the texts that had to do with the games, except for shorter texts and texts that are supposed to be based on personal opinions, such as chronicles.