In this thesis I have criticized traditional nationalism theories formulated by Eric Hobsbawm, Ernest Gellner, Benedict Anderson and Anthony D. Smith. The critique has been based on my belief that nationalism theories do not explain nations whose foundation is built on forward-looking, dynamic aspects such as economy, human and civil rights, and democracy. Traditional nationalism theories have been focused on historicizing perspectives whereas I want to draw attention to non-historicizing perspectives within the field of research. So far nationalism theories has had a shared past or a shared ethnicity as its focal point.

Vid närmare undersökning upptäckte jag ett fält som inte tidigare hade utforskats. Forskning kring förhandlingar mellan olika nationaliteter med olika kulturer är utbredd men väldigt lite finns kring förhandlingar mellan samma nationalitet fast med olika kulturer. Inget fanns kring förhandlingar mellan arbetarkulturen och tjänstemannakulturen inom Sverige vilket fick mig att skriva denna pilotstudie om just detta. Med en reviderad version av Raymond Cohens teori om förhandlingar och kultur som ramverk lyckades jag med hjälp av samtalsintervjuer, enkäter och egna observationer ifrån förhandlingar visa på vissa kulturella skillnader. Det skulle visa sig att arbetarkulturen var kollektivistiskt orienterad medan tjänstemannakulturen var mer individualistiskt orienterad vilket har en rad konsekvenser för förhandlingarna dem emellan.

On-call work has increased substantially in the past 20 years in Sweden, not least in the public sector and most notably in health and social care. This thesis argues that the increase has considerable influence on the prospects of on-call workers in the public services to act as guardians of democracy. Based on theories of Lennart Lundquist, the results of this study show that on-call workers suffers from inferior opportunities to act as democratic guardians in particularly two matters. First; they have fewer prospects than standard employees of professionalism due to lack of education and capacitation. Second; on-call workers have inferior opportunities to protest against wrongs, due to no real formalized possibilities to inform and due to transactional psychological contracts.

The European Union's work on equal opportunities for women and men can be described historically in three eras; equal treatment, positive action and, most recently, the gender perspective. In accordance with the latter, gender mainstreaming is the latest method in dealing with these issues. Its aim is the implementation of the gender perspective in all policy processes and to challenge the male norm that permeates all decision making. EU:s work on equal opportunities, though, persists not only of gender mainstreaming but has a double approach also including special actions.This thesis bases its argumentation on discourse analysis of communications from the Commission regarding employment and social affairs. It argues that the two components of the double approach; gender mainstreaming and special actions, are incompatible and even becomes contra productive put together.

Since the 1980's economic policies has become an important issue in municipalities and more resources are put into projects that are intended to have a positive influence on the local economic growth. From a theoretical perspective of regime theory and a model of local political economy, concerning the strategies chosen by the actors involved designed by Jon Pierre, the discussion points to the fact that it is possible to affect the local development. The municipalities discussed and compared in this thesis, Bromölla and Östra Göinge, have similar prerequisite for growth mainly due to their dependence to large industrial companies.In order to fulfill the aim of the thesis and examine the change in economic policies over time and between the two municipalities a comparative method is used. The creation of local governing coalitions is emphasized which makes efforts and intentions of individual actors crucial for the success of the local economic policies. Bromölla started their more active efforts in the area of economic policies earlier than Östra Göinge and has also come a bit further in the process.

Around the world governments reach out to their emigrant population, embracingthem as part of the nation, expecting their economic contribution. The aim of thisthesis is to examine the political strategy and governmental activities of ElSalvador with the purpose to include emigrants in the nation building project. Themain question is what consequences this has for the significance of citizenship.This case study is based on the theoretical framework of external citizenshipwhich is a new fenomena emanating from states growing interest of theirexpanding diaspora. It divides external citizenship in two parts; a legal dimensionand a practiced identity.I find that as the economic potential of salvadoreans abroad increase, theSalvadorean government makes institutional changes to tie emigrants to thenationstate. This results in the possibility for salvadoreans to remain citizens intheir country of origin, practicing their salvadorean identity at the same time asthey naturalize abroad.

AbstractTransitionell rättvisa behandlar frågan om hur man har ställt sig till förbrytare i en tidigare ordning. Här jämförs fyra länders lösningar till denna problematik, Kambodja, Rwanda, Guatemala och Sierra Leone. Ambitionen är att förklara varför dessa olika val har gjorts.Artikelns teoretiska utgångspunkt är kopplad till Huntingtons transitions-former. I artikelns centrum står dock en maktbalanshypotes, som hämtar inspiration från snarlika studier av bland andra Sriram och Lanegran. Dessa bygger på antaganden om att det är maktförhållanden mellan parterna i konflikten som avgör vilka lösningar som överhuvudtaget är genomförbara.

AbstractMediernas granskning av de politiska makthavarna är utan tvekan en förutsättning för en fungerande demokrati. Granskningen riskerar emellertid att övergå i mediedrev där allt är offentligt och ingenting anses tillhöra privatlivets helgd. Detta riskerar i sin tur att leda till att den granskade personen avgår från sin post och man talar därför om mediernas avskedandemakt som ett demokratiskt problem.Med hjälp av ett eget utarbetat analysschema har vi utfört en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av rapporteringen i tre svenska tidningar kring fyra politiska affärer. Undersökningen är komparativ och bygger på Mills olika utfalls-design. Studien syftar till att utreda huruvida förekomsten av ?privat smutskastning? alternativt avgångskrav kan förklara att vissa mediedrev leder till avgång.Med facit i hand har vi kunnat konstatera att våra hypoteser fått visst stöd men att inga generella slutsatser kan dras från denna undersökning.

ABSTRACTThis thesis focuses on the OPEC oil crisis of 1973 and its impact on the Scandinavian countries of Sweden and Denmark. Starting from Walter Carlsnaes theory of energy vulnerability, the concepts of vulnerability and national security are tested on the selected cases and an array of policy alternatives are assessed. Posited available options like oil stockpiling, conservation, renewable energy and international coordination are evaluated as means for ameliorating the vulnerability of the nations. The theory chosen is further expounded with a consensus element to reinforce its explanatory power. The thesis utilizes a wide range of material from parliamentary records to daily newspapers in an attempt to shed some light on the interplay between economics and politics.Sweden and Denmark evince diverging developments despite their common starting point with exceptionally high oil dependencies and can be located on different ends of the energy policy gamut.

Vår uppsats handlar om serbisk identitetsbildning i Malmö. Syftet med uppsatsen är att med hjälp av konstruktivismen undersöka serbers identitetsbyggande.Vår frågeställning lyder - Hur ser serbisk identitetsbildning ut i en svensk kontext? Vi har även försökt ringa in våra informanters syn på skillnader mellan det typiskt "svenska" och det typiskt "serbiska".Utifrån 6 stycken samtalsintervjuer har vi funnit olika beståndsdelar för byggandet av en identitet som vi behandlar under fyra olika teman: historia, mediabilden av serber, att vara serb i Sverige samt skillnader mellan svenskhet och serbiskhet.Uppsatsen inleds med en teoridel där vi behandlar konstruktivismens utgångspunkter samt metodologiska ansatser för intervjuerna.Sedan följer del två som behandlar identitetsskapande och diskursanalys. Diskursanalysen blir ett verktyg för att förstå och förklara våra informanters konstruktion av deras identitet. Resultatet av vår undersökning blev att vissa aspekter återkom som viktiga när våra informanter beskrev sin egen identitet och vad den grundade sig på.

The aim of this essay is, with reference to a close study on the negotiation delegations of the Tenant Association, to examine the principals of democracy in relation to distribution of power and participation, efficiency and professionalism. This is done with the intention to understand the Tenant Association's view on its own commission as negotiator, according to democracy. The investigation is carried out on the Tenant Association in the Swedish cities of Stockholm, Malmö and Gothenborg.The data acquisition was obtained by using a questionnaire and through interviews with representatives from the Tenant Association negotiation delegation.A central conclusion from this investigation is that the representatives of the Tenant Association generally are satisfied with the democracy model used in the organisation, despite awareness of the fact that there are some failures with representation amongst younger people, women and immigrants. Also, they suggest that the model with representative democracy is by all means the most useful because of its arrangement and efficiency in decision making processes.The policies of the Tenant Association, considering distribution of power and participation between elected representatives and employees, are legitimated by the negotiation delegates. However, there is obvious discrepancy in the look upon their respective tasks between the delegates and the chief negotiators.One can recognise the development of democracy that is called New Public Management in this survey.

The economic growth in Ireland, during the 1990s, lead to changing migration patterns. Ireland became a destination country for immigrants instead of an emigration country. Before 2004 people who were born on the island of Ireland had a constitutional right to Irish citizenship. This right was removed after a referendum in 2004.National identity is a sense of community constructed through common history and defines who belongs to the nation. The purpose of this thesis is to do a critical discourse analysis of the debate in media before the referendum.The analysis was done on texts from The Irish Times, one of the major newspapers in Ireland.

The ambition of this study is to examine the discussion surrounding the Swedish participation in the European security- and defence policy. By forming feasible areas of arguments the goal is to gain further comprehension in the case of Sweden. These arguments are formed in close relation to the empirical sources; With less public funding there are economic aspects of cooperation, this could also be related to Swedish the industry of defence systems; A high level of participation in the UN is a tradition in Swedish foreign policy, the European battle groups are the perfect tool to further strengthen the UN ability in conflict management and peace keeping missions; Outside the EMU Sweden could face the political margin, to retain influence a high level of activity ought to occur in the integration process; Finally, the future position of United States and NATO is not clear, Europe needs an capacity apart the US to contribute to lasting peace and stability. The arguments are close related to each other, but the main argument is to through ESDP create a tool that will strengthen UN, there is also a wide range of economic arguments related to the industry..

Uppsatsen ?Hur mår du lilla hjärnan?? syftar till att klargöra varför det finns få kvinnliga chefer på toppnivå inom den offentliga sektorn. Studiens första del utgörs av en litteraturstudie där vi utifrån teorier om glastaket, könsmärkta organisationer samt socialkonstruktivism, fastställer rådande ledarskapsdiskurs samt klarlägger de hinder som är mest relevanta. Studiens andra del är empirisk och består av intervjuer med sex kommunala förvaltningschefer från Lund och Eslöv.Efter analys av förvaltningschefernas svar utifrån de aspekter vi har med oss från litteraturstudiet kan konstateras att teorierna har högt förklaringsvärde gällande den ojämna könsrepresentationen på toppnivå. Resultatet visar att ledarskapsdiskursen är under ständig förändring, men att vissa aspekter av den fortfarande är förankrade i det manliga.

AbstractBetween 1989-1996 and 2000-2003 a civil war took place in Liberia. During the war many, many people were killed or were forced to flee. Another of the war's characteristics was the high number of women being sexually abused and beaten by the soldiers. The aim of this thesis is to analyze to what degree the peacekeeping personnel in Liberia, foremost staff working for the UN and agencies related to the UN, have implemented Resolution 1325 in their work. Resolution 1325 was adopted by the members of the United Nations Security Council in year 2000 and aims to increase the efforts made to secure women's rights and security in parts of the world where war and crisis prevail.