Hammarskjöld och Boutros-Ghalis effektiva ledarskap inom FN analyseras. Teorierna som används är path-goal teorin och Greensteins teori. Genom dessa finner vi utgångspunkterna för analysen, vilka är: generalsekreterarnas administrativa arbete, val av lösningar i kris- och konfliktsituationer samt deras relationer med medlemsstaterna. Utifrån dessa tre kategoriseringar analyserar vi sedan deras effektivitet genom användandet av indikatorer från Greensteins teori. Stor tyngdpunkt ligger på den empiriska framställningen av deras respektive karriär som generalsekreterare.

Central in this paper is Olof Johansson, Swedish minister for the environment, there the focus lye on his resignation from this duty which occurred in 1994. This essay is a case study there I?m trying to identify which ethical reasons which lye behind his resignation. The relationship between politics and ethics is an interesting aspect to investigate and my ambition with this paper is to analyze that relationship in this specific case.The analysis has its focus built on the occurrence of role conflicts and the making of ethical decisions. Aspects like personal ethics versus organisational ethics, objective responsibility versus subjective responsibility etc.

Vellinge is one of few municipalities in Sweden that refuses to accept refugees. The subject of this thesis is to find out how the local politicians in Vellinge make their considerations when they decide not to welcome refugees. The analysis uses the representation theory as a starting point. The two ideals of the representative role, either as a bound mandate or as a free independent role, is the base of the analysis. Vellinge is in the analysis compared to Lomma, a very similar municipality in southern Sweden that for a long time alsohas refused to accept refugees, however suddenly in 2007 decided to change their mind.

This essay focuses on the theory of classical realism from two points of views. Realism is often told to be quite immoral and cynical and only interested in the power relations among nations. In the first part I am arguing that this picture is wrong and should be revised. By using the ethical theories of deontology and utilitarianism I am arguing that both these perspectives can be used to analyse classical realism. By defining a value that should be guiding one can assert that realism is a good moral theory.

I denna uppsats utreds om det otydligt definierade begreppet mångfald kan överföras från visioner i kulturpolitiska dokument till handling i Malmös kultursektor. Som förklaringsmodell används Nils Brunssons teori om organisatoriskt hyckleri. Uppsatsen är uppdelad i två delar, varav den första behandlar hur det talas om mångfald i några styrande kulturpolitiska dokument medan den andra behandlar mångfaldsbegreppets överförande till handling.I del ett konstateras, med hjälp av en textanalys som har sin utgångspunkt i tidigare kulturpolitisk forskning, att begreppet mångfald förekommer i två sammanhang: i den första betonas kulturell artrikedom och i den andra identitetspolitisk grupptillhörighet, främst etnisk sådan. I del två undersöks arbetet med mångfald i Malmös kultursektor med hjälp av en analys av samtalsintervjuer.Slutligen konstateras att begreppet mångfald, under förutsättning att definitionen kommer inifrån verksamheten, kan överföras från prat till handling..

This thesis is using the theory of participatory democracy to show how one can work to increase the participation in the society, between elections as well as during elections. For a couple of years now many traditional democratic countries have been struggling with low voting rates. Hence this, I find it interesting to study what has been done to cope with this problem. The government in Sweden had a project working on how to make more people involved in the democratic process, especially people that to a lesser extent participate in this process. In this thesis two projects will be studied, Möllevångsgruppen and Unga väljer Miljö i Malmö.

This thesis uses the ?What's the problem?-approach developed by Carol LeeBacchi. This approach studies how the problem that a certain policy is supposedto take care of is represented. Each representation will rest upon certainassumptions and will accordingly support certain solutions while other solutionswill be considered less suitable to the problem as it is represented.The thesis therefore evaluates the competing problem representations forgender mainstreaming in Sweden. The theory chapter explores two developmentpossibilities for gender mainstreaming, based on diversity and deliberativedemocracy.

Deliberative democracy theory has been prominent within political science research since the early 1990?s, often applied in studies on postnational democratic constellations, in particular the European Union. Of the main institutions of the union, the European Parliament stands out as somewhat understudied from this point of view, which is why the main aim of this thesis is to study the conditions for deliberative democracy in the European Parliament.From deliberative democratic theory four criteria have been selected to function as methodological framework in analysing the institutional structure and proceedings of the parliament. Each of the criteria is applied separately to the practice and function of the plenary sessions, the parliamentary committees and the political groups. The analysis shows that the conditions for deliberative democracy differ between the three fora, as do their respective roles in parliament, but all in all they supplement each other.

Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union a lot of hope has been put on civil society to help develop Russia into a more democratic society. This study explores the constructive elements in the relationship between civil society and the state in Russia, and how this enables the work toward political development. By using Julie Fishers theory about political development and organisational autonomy I discuss the varying and often complex ways in which civil society and the state interacts. These are often not mentioned in the liberal tradition, which believes that civil society's most important democratic function is to act as a watchdog for the state.There is very limited political space for NGO's in authoritative Russia. The existing oppositional NGO's are important for the political development, but they are few and their impacts on society are limited.

In this thesis I discuss how the western conception of reason is an aspect of power. I consider the western comprehension of rationality to be a masculine and ethnocentric understanding, though by itself acclaimed to be universal. My purpose with this thesis is to analyze how this western and masculine conceptualisation of reason follows a gramscian structure of power, which makes it reproduce itself in the postcolonial project of science.The theory of hegemony and ideology of Antonio Gramsci is central for analyzing the reproduction of the western subject of knowledge. The theoretical approach is also based on the understanding of the Other as essential for defining the identity of the self. My two main objects of study is one text of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, which discuss the problems of representation, and one of Chandra Talpade Mohanty, in which she examines the tendency to neocolonization in certain western postcolonial feminist research.

Mot bakgrund av Lipsets moderniseringsteori undersöker vi strukturella orsaker till varför Kuwait, Ryssland och Turkiet inte genomgått en transition till demokrati, trots en relativt hög grad av modernisering och ekonomisk utveckling efter kalla krigets slut. Vi problematiserar begreppet ekonomisk utveckling och diskuterar olika demokratidefinitioner och demokratiklassificeringar. Utifrån tidigare forskning formulerar vi åtta hypoteser som vi i vår analys prövar på våra analysobjekt. Vår analys resulterar i att Kuwait och Rysslands ekonomiska utveckling inte har bidragit med ökning av demokratisering men däremot har utvecklingen stabiliserat regimerna. Turkiets differentiella ekonomiska utveckling medförde att resultatetet för landet blev olika.

I denna uppsats undersöks tre stadsplaneringsprocesser i Lunds kommun ? en trafikled genom stadskärnan på 1960-talet, det s.k. Genombrottet; en forskningsby på 1980-talet, Ideon; och en större forskningsanläggning på 2000-talet, ESS ? med avseende på diskursiva spänningar och förändringar i den politiska processen.Studien visar att stadsplaneringsdiskursen har förändrats från att ha karaktär av rationalistisk funktionalism, där ?objektiva? och ?vetenskapliga? kriterier är viktiga, till en postmodern funktionsintegrerande planering med nyckelord som ?kultur?, ?ekologi? och ?upplevelser?. Samtidigt har den politiska processen förändrats från att ha haft ett stort inslag av linjära styrsystem: politikerna sätter målen, tjänstemännen bereder, politikerna fattar beslut ? raka rör ? till mer uppluckrade strukturer med inslag av nätverksstyrning ? trådlösa nätverk ? där rollfördelningen mellan politiker och tjänstemän förändras utan att styrkeförhållandena dem emellan nödvändigtvis gör det..

This thesis analyzes the effects of export subsidies on Swedish cereal export. The analyzes are based on data on cereal export from Sweden to countries outside the EU from 1990 to 2003. In 1995 Sweden became a member of the European Union. Before the membership, the Swedish agricultural policy was decoupled in a larger sense than the European CAP was, which means that the Swedish producers had decreased their production more than the European farmers. When Sweden became a member of the EU the production started to increase again to an EU level.

The number of blogs, from weblogs, are increasing every day. Blogs are also becoming more visible in the public debate as well as the awareness of their existance is rising among politicians and citizens. The aim of this thesis is to answer the question what democratic potential blogs can have. This question will be answered by initially studying the research that exists today about weblogs and democracy. The second part of the analysis consists of a selection of texts from weblogs that touches this subject.

Is the Muslim Brotherhood a political force that can be able to push Egyptian society in to the process of democratization? We think that the answer to that question is yes, even though the movement clearly state that their main aim to create a democratic state, but based upon the Islamic shari?ah-laws. In this paper, we examine if the Brotherhoods? political platforms and ideas are compatible with the classic ideas of how a democratic state should be. We discuss Robert A.