This essay set out to propose a problematic interpretation of the socio-cultural perspective on learning. Its purpose is to show how the socio-cultural perspective on learning defines the concept of knowledge in an incomplete way. The aim becomes then that of giving a more comprehensive description of this concept, and, to this end, to construct a new, broader pedagogic discourse. The investigation starts with a deconstructive analysis of Roger Säljö?s socio-cultural text in order to point out the incompleteness of the concept of knowledge.

There are lots of theories about participatory democracy, but rather few examples of how to create it in practice. In the 1930´s, scientists at the Chicago School, implemented some projects within the Chicago Area Project, with the aim to decrease the youth delinquency in the socio disadvantaged areas surrounding Chicago. In this thesis, I assess wether these projects, and in particular the one at the Russell Square Area, have some common features with the thoughts of two of the most famous participatory democrats, Carole Pateman and Benjamin Barber. My question is if the Chicago Area Project could be seen as an experiment in participatory democracy. I find that participatory democrats could benefit from the experiences of the Chicago Area Project.

This thesis is set out as a testing of the crosscutting cleavages theory on twocontemporary cases. The aim is to test the explanation process of the crosscutting theory applied to the political and social situations in Belgium and Switzerland and furthermore to examine potential conflicts in pluralistic states. Our main questionis: How can the crosscutting cleavages theory explain the different outcomes ofsocial coexistence, even with the states numerous similarities? We have examined the two federal states through their social divisions of language, region, religion and socio-economy. Our findings show that both Belgium and Switzerland possess divisions in the above mentioned variables, which in most cases are cumulative structured.

Gender mainstreaming has been an internationally dominant policy since the mid 1990?s. In 2004, the Swedish government decided to implement gender mainstreaming within the Government Offices of Sweden. However, little research seems to have focused on the reasons for an organization's decision to implement gender mainstreaming. Consequently, the purpose of this study is to answer the question why the Government Offices of Sweden have decided to use gender mainstreaming.

The main focus of the essay is to investigate if bugging can be justified from two ethics perspectives, the teleological and the deontology. I?ve chosen to emanate from two specific values which I believe is especially relevant to the ethical problems of bugging, efficiency in fighting crime and the personal integrity. To be able to illustrate this conflict between different values did I do an analysis of an official report which had the task to explore if Sweden should introduce bugging as a new means of compulsion. The official report's statement was that the police should have modern instrument to fighting crimes efficient, including bugging.My examination of the report showed that they used several arguments derived from both the efficiency in fighting crime perspective and the personal integrity perspective.

The Swedish Moderate party, often also called the Conservative party, was founded with conservatism as the dominant ideology. During the years, however, liberalism has gradually found its way into the party. The aim of this study is to analyze the Moderate party?s political platforms from 1984 to 2013 from an ideological perspective. Is conservatism still a foundational ideology in the Moderate party, or has the liberal ideology taken its place? The study is based on an ideal type analysis that illustrates the Moderate party?s argumentation in six political issues in the years 1984, 1993 and 2013.

Klimatförändringar och andra miljöproblem kan i framtiden komma att innebära stora påfrestningar på städer. Socio-ekologisk resiliens är ett sätt att förstå motståndskraft och förändring hos sociala och ekologiska system. För att göra städer mer motståndskraftiga för yttre och inre störningar har ett socio-ekologiskt resiliensförhållningssätt till planering ansetts givande. Konceptet socio-ekologisk resiliens kan också betraktas som en brygga mellan social hållbarhet och ekologisk hållbarhet.Denna uppsats undersöker ifall det finns uttryck för socio-ekologisk resiliens i svenska kommuners strategiska planering och om det finns strategier i kommunerna för att binda ihop social hållbarhet med ekologisk hållbarhet. Genom studier av teoretisk litteratur kring socio-ekologisk resiliens har fyra utgångspunkter för en planering för socio-ekologisk resiliens tagits fram och med hjälp av dessa fyra utgångspunkter analyseras nio kommunala översiktsplaner.Planerna har valts ut för att spegla ett genomsnitt av svenska kommuner.

The purpose of this essay has been to seek understanding of how young people in high school and adult education experience the use of educational media tools in teaching. Examples of questions submitted material has been: What are the positive and negative experiences of ICT in the classroom?The essay is of a qualitative nature, in which five students were interviewed about their experiences of ICT in the school environment. The result is analyzed from a sociocultural perspective and from an inward-student perspective.The results showed that students felt that it was difficult to absorb many of the ICT facilities as sources of knowledge in the school environment. Due to lack of quality in teaching material and difficulties of the pupils to sort out the important information of the injected..

This essay revolves around two questions: what is the nature of politics, and what kind of political order ensures a high rate of citizen participation? By using Cantal Mouffes theory on the political this essay shows how different understandings of the nature of politics can lead to diverging views on what forms democracy should take. Two such understandings are identified; one that sees the nature of politics as characterized by conflict and power, one that sees it as a space for cooperation in search for the common good. I trace these different ideas about the political in the parliamentary debate concerning Swedish constitutional reform. I conclude that the left-of-centre parties hold a view of the political closer to the conflict-perspective, while the green party together with the liberals/conservatives lean closer to the opposite view..

News value is an essential part of which event media chooses to report about. Political events consider to bee news with potentional large value. Media has an enormous power and possibility to create news and construct there own reality and where the readers is given a false expression of what really happened. Today the media must show profit and that indirect affects how the media choose to describe political events. In the Kenya case is it therefore possible to draw the conclusion that the two news paper has different construction of the political event in Kenya.

This report is a hermeneutic analytical study of a practical pedagogical situation. For three occasions I observed my own practice as a dance teacher and how a moment, choreographic approach in the governing documents for upper secondary school GY11 was executed in a group of dance students. The part is formulated in the course objectives for the courses on the arts program under the topic Dansgestaltning with focus on choreographic approach. The study is based on a socio-cultural thinking but also takes into account the prevailing gender theories and focuses on how the process of formulation level, through the transformation level is portrayed in the realization level of the dance regarding choreographic approach. The study illustrates educational research from both a dance perspective and a school development perspective.

In this essay, we attempt to study and analyze the work towards equality between men and women at the university of Örebro, Sweden. By using discourse analysis we have the ambition to test organizational theory with a gender perspective as the explanatory model for the schools successful work. We also have the ambition to develop our theory and ad an organizational theme focusing on actors..

Aims: The aim of this study is to describe how youth?s political exclusion is constructed as asocial problem. This is done through a study of a project which aim is to engage young peoplein politics.Method and theory: By interviewing the project?s manager and developer as well as eightparticipating young people different constructions of the problem of youth political exclusionhas been analyzed using the social constructionist perspective on social problems.Findings: The dominant perspective found in the empirical material includes framing youngpeople?s lack of political knowledge and self-confidence as the reason for their politicalexclusion. Even though the Youth Board (ungdomsstyrelsen) in Sweden officially views allyoung people as a resource, when youth politics are implemented through projects, this is notthe view that young people meet.

The aim of this thesis was to use qualitative approaches to show how teachers in primary school reason on their way to meet and communicate with children who have ADHD (Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder). Research questions of the study were as follows: How does teachers in primary school reason about their way to communicate with children with ADHD? Do the teachers use some specific methods or means of communication with students who have ADHD? Do the teachers reason about their way how to handle conflicts with students who have ADHD? I collected my empirical material through a qualitative interview method. My theoretical starting points were interaction theory and the socio-cultural perspective. I have used these theories to analyze my material.

This thesis aims to examine the possibility of understanding social change by using new institutionalism approaches on a specific case, The case, which describes the implementation of new public management reform in the Swedish health care system, is analysed from two separate new institutionalismperspectives; the tool perspective and the symbol perspective. These approaches differ from one another in the sense that the first relies on a rational choice ontology, while the latter rather refers to a sociological tradition. In the analysis, causal explanations as well as aim related explanations are presented. Formative moments such as economic stagnation, non-socialist governments and ideological isomorfism are presented as important factors behind the reformation. By using the tool perspective, the motives of the idea spreading and reformation of the Swedish health care system, are connected to a strictly rationalbasis such as cost efficiency and quality improvements.