The purpose of our essay was to illustrate how pupils in a medium-sized Swedish town in the 9th grade apprehend and explain bullying. We wanted to compare the pupils' opinions with student teachers' in college.Our questions were: How do the participants in the study define bullying? What are the characteristics of the bully and the victim of the bullying? Where, when and how does the bullying take place? What is the reason for the bullying? Are there any gender-related aspects of bullying? What is the participants? view of the teachers? role? Are there any differences between the pupils' and the teacher students' opinions about bullying, and in that case; what are the differences?We used a qualitative method by interviewing groups of pupils and teacher students. Our survey showed that the pupils' and the teacher students' opinions about bullying were similar in most cases. Bullying is when a pupil is exposed to negative actions several times.

I studiens primära del försöker vi närma oss supermakten och klassificeringen av den samma i termer av resurser och ´role theory´. På en lägre abstraktionsgrad är vi intresserade av fallet Kina och att utreda i vilken mån supermaktsbegreppet kan appliceras på staten. I en andra del argumenterar vi för ett unilateralt agerande utifrån Kinas givna position i det internationella systemet.Detta gör vi genom att exemplifiera deras politiska strategi i biståndspolitiken gentemot Afrika.Genom främst ´role theory förmår vi attribuera Kina supermaktsstatus och i vår neorealistiska ansats kan vi sedan se hur de smyger fram i det internationella systemet utan direkta konfrontationer i sin strävan efter ett multipolärt system..

Political marketing has changed the way political parties internationally behave in relation to the voters. The purpose of this study was to investigate how political marketing is conducted on a local level in Swedish political parties, and how the local and national level of the political parties coordinate the message they send out to the voters. An explorative study was performed by interviewing experts in the field in the form of politicians on both a local and a national level. Initially the local parties' methods were investigated, followed by a second stage where we researched the link between parties on the local and the national level. Marketing of parties on a local level turned out to a large extent to follow traditional methods.

This study investigates the potential of a rhetorical theory of knowledge to expand beyond its own domain and into political theory, specifically theories of deliberative democracy. Despite the increasing interest in communication in democratic theory in the last decades, the majority of theorists have not turned their interest towards rhetorical science. On the contrary, theorists often regard rhetoric as dangerous and incompatible with the deliberative ideal of reason. The aim of this study is therefore to defend rhetorical science by investigating how the rhetorical theory of knowledge ? as it is presented by Chaïm Perelman and Oldbrecht Tyteca, and further developed by Mats Rosengren and Maria Wolrath Söderberg ? can contribute to the understanding of deliberative democracy.

With a background in the 17th century?s English political events, but also the ideological scene of that time, the purpose of this essay is to analyze two concepts, freedom and happiness, in Thomas Hobbes?s political writings. Hobbes is well known for his political works, mostly for Leviathan, where his thoughts about government and religion are exposed. But what does he say about freedom? And what about happiness? The study shows that Hobbes?s political thought is quite original from this aspect too.

The information flow of today is endless and the advances in information technology astounding. In today's information society it is of utmost importance not only to be able to find the right information but also to evaluate the information. The expression ?information literacy? is not a new one but it has never been as pertinent and essential as today. Information literacy is however not something which is easily and swiftly achieved.Swedish youth education is based on problem based learning in which the students are expected to research for material, evaluate their finds and use their skills to produce a good written or oral presentation.

The focus of this study is the ways in which the discourses of the three largest right-wing populist parties in Scandinavia ? Danish Dansk Folkeparti, Norwegian Fremskrittspartiet and Swedish Sverigedemokraterna ? are articulated and on defining which individuals they include and exclude. The discourses of the three parties are compared and analyzed to determine whether they constitute specific nationalist and culturally racist discourses. The problem is addressed by applying a social constructivist theory of nationalism and cultural racism, and specifically the binary opposition ?we? and ?them?, on a material consisting of the respective parties? member magazines from 2007.

The purpose of this study was to examine the problematic and frustrating aspects of parenthood in the modern runaway world of today. In other words, we wanted to study how parents in Sweden experienced their life as parents in the beginning of the 21th century.We wanted to find answers to the following questions:What kind of problems do parents experience and how do they deal with these problems?What would parents consider to be typical for them as parents compared to how they remember their own parents?What do parents think about family politics?Do parents think they need parent education?If parents want parent education, why do they want it?To answer these questions we used qualitative interviews. With this method we got information from six parents and five professional parent educators who was kind enough to let us interview them. We also gathered information about the subject through literature and news articles.The result of the study can be divided into three parts.

Denna uppsats inleder med att visa hur orsakerna bakom Darfurkonflikten till stor del ligger på strukturell nivå, det vill säga att socioekonomiska och politiska faktorer varit avgörande konfliktutlösare.Uppsatsens utgångspunkt är dock att ovan nämnda strukturella konfliktorsaker ej fullt ut kan förklara varför konflikten fått en så våldsam utveckling som folkmord och etnisk rensning. Utifrån ett konstruktivistiskt perspektiv analyseras därför alternativa orsaker bakom våldsutvecklingen genom tillämpande av socialpsykologiska teorier kring identitet, hot- och fiendebilder.Valda socialpsykologiska teorier illustrerar således hur identitetskonstruktion och negativa föreställningar om "de andra" är centrala aspekter i Darfurkonflikten där de etniska identitetsmarkörerna "arab" och "afrikan" växt sig starka de senaste åren. Tajfels kategoriseringsteori, Northrups eskaleringmodell och Azars PSC-teori är några av dessa teorier som kastar ljus över möjliga förklaringar till detta genom att sammanlänka olika faktorer bakom identitetskonstruktion. Återkommande teman här är rädsla, osäkerhet och icke uppfyllda grundläggande mänsliga behov såsom exempelvis ekonomisk- och politisk trygghet och social säkerhet.Osäkerhet och rädsla för den egna gruppens identitet och överlevnad är således nyckeln till att förstå våldsutvecklingen i Darfur, där socialpsykologiska, men även till viss del strukturella, faktorer på olika sätt påverkar..

Denna uppsats baseras på fältarbete i efterkrigstidens Bosnien & Hercegovina och handlar om gränsöverskridande samarbetsrelationer inom ramen för kvinnoorganisationen Zene Zenama. För en mer nyanserad illustration av organisationens multidimensionella samarbete utgår jag ifrån intersektionalitetsperspektivet som teoretiskt ramverk och huvudsakligen intervjuer som empiri. Jag söker även förstå kontexten och få svar på vilken betydelse kriget har för organisationen samt hur olika jämställdhetsfrågor legitimeras. Min analys visar att krigets betydelse inte kan underskattas i organisationens kamp för jämställdhet, vilken inte heller står helt opåverkad från det transnationella ekonomiska stödets premisser. Samtidigt som krigets konsekvenser verkar enande i kampen för kvinnors rättigheter och i stärkandet av en regional identitet tenderar de även att utesluta andra erfarenheter av utsatthet som inte direkt är förknippade med krigets förödande följder..

Central in this paper is Olof Johansson, Swedish minister for the environment, there the focus lye on his resignation from this duty which occurred in 1994. This essay is a case study there I?m trying to identify which ethical reasons which lye behind his resignation. The relationship between politics and ethics is an interesting aspect to investigate and my ambition with this paper is to analyze that relationship in this specific case.The analysis has its focus built on the occurrence of role conflicts and the making of ethical decisions. Aspects like personal ethics versus organisational ethics, objective responsibility versus subjective responsibility etc.

The purpose of this study is to investigate if reconciliation between former war-enemies and ethnic groups (Muslims, Croats and Serbs) in Bosnia and Hercegovina is possible today. Reconciliation between these groups is necessary for the development of the state and sustainable peace. In order to fulfil the aim I have applied qualitative conversation interviews together with qualitative literature study.In this research I have studied the three largest parties (SDA, HDZ and SDS) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Conversation interviews were made with two representatives of each party. The reconciliation theory and the recommendations that the theory advocates were used in the study.

Denna uppsats behandlar bostadspolitiken, och dess påverkan på integrationen. Stockholm genomgick stora förändringar när miljonprogrammet genomfördes på 1970-talet. Idag ser man tendenser i Helsingborg att man är på väg att göra samma misstag än en gång. H+ projektet i Helsingborg har som vision att motverka den starka segregation som existerar i Helsingborg idag. Denna uppsats ska försöka att bevisa att resultatet av denna utbyggnad kommer att leda till det motsatta vilket är en ökad segregation i en redan så segregerad stad..

Syftet med den här analysen är att ta reda på hur konstruktivistisk teori förklarar skapandet av israelisk identitet. För att utföra studien använder vi oss av en narrativ metod, där vi analyserar en bok skriven av en judisk, israelisk kvinna - Susan Nathan - och en intervju med en judisk, israelisk man. Vi undersöker deras tankar angående deras identitet med utgångspunkt i teori om nationalitet, etnicitet politisk identitet och medborgarskap. Vi diskuterar även analysformatet och jämför Nathans och den israeliska mannens uppfattningar av deras identiteter. Slutligen kopplar vi diskussionen med deras syn på Israel/Palestina-konflikten..

ABSTRACTEssay in political science, C-level by Cecilia HolmbergSpring semester 2006, Tutor: Arne Larsson- Ideological similarities between the Swedish Socialdemocratic and the Swedish conservative party- An idealanalysis of different political issuesThe purpose of this essay is to examine wheater the political ideologies have lost their importance in the Swedish political system. The study will focus on the ideological similarities or differences between the two largest parties in Sweden, the socialdemocratic and the conservative party. Therefore, the main research question is:? Are there any ideological similarities or differences between the socialdemocratic and the conservative party?To be able to answer this question, I have used Herbert Tingsten?s idealanalysis. This type of analysis examines how someone, in this case a political party, describes reality.