The purpose of this paper is to find more understanding for pupils in compensatory educational situations and get an idea about how they place themselves in the social hierarchy. In my study I have interviewed four pupils with different experiences from school with the common denominator of being placed in a special class during some hours of the week. The purpose of this placement is to get them to achieve better results in various subjects depending on their grade but this also means a social separation from friends in the ordinary class and this doesn't correspond well with the democratic idea of "one school for all".What I found was that these pupils categorize themselves different from each other and while two of the pupils find themselves very included in the school's social network the remaining two had problems functioning satisfactory in a social matter according to their own liking. The feeling of exclusion though can not be connected to their participation in the special class but rather to their earlier social experiences..

On the 17th of January 2002 the Swedish government presented a bill to theSwedish parliament, proposing ways of strengthening the Swedish democracythrough reforms for increased elements of participatory democracy. A publicreport on the state of the Swedish democracy had been released two years earlierwith similar enthusiasm for participatory democracy. However, the participatoryideals of these two documents were strongly criticised by a group of scholars.The aim of this thesis is to analyze and compare the arguments articulatedbetween the years 2000 and 2002 by the actors mentioned above, and to examinetheir relation to arguments concerning political participation, articulated bythinkers from previous times. By classifying the arguments into different groupsdepending on their content I find that both parties in the Swedish argumentationfocus on the effects of participatory democracy on political equality, on theefficiency of the political decision-making and the quality of the decisions beingmade, and finally on the personal character of the citizens. Among the argumentsarticulated by thinkers from previous times, similarities with the Swedishargumentation can be seen as well as important differences.

Lately information- and communication technology (ICT) has been seen as an important tool to vitalize democracy. What kind of democracy it generates is however debateable. The objective with this thesis is therefore to examine what democratic ideal that dominates the use of ICT in Region Skåne and Västra Götalandsregionen and what kind of citizenship it brings. The two case studies were chosen because the Swedish regional level is facing a reorganization with democratic ambitions which in relation to ICT is fairly unexplored. To fulfil the objective there are two perspectives; e-democracy and e-administration, which are defined and integrated with democratic theory including Premfors´ "Fast, Strong and Thin" democratic ideals and Marshall´s three citizenship rights.

In the world after the Cold War, internal and ethnic conflicts have been predominant. Ethnic conflicts have their own theories on why they erupt and what can be done to solve them. This essay seeks to analyze how the Ethnic Security Dilemma can explain the causes, and possible solutions, of today´s armed ethnic conflicts.By making an ideal types typology over different types of ethnic conflicts, and then analyzing the Ethnic Security Dilemma´s impact on each conflict type.

The purpose of our study was to look at the connection between theories, research work and concepts when it comes to teenagers and the testing of drugs. The theories we have used are Erikssons development theory, psychoanalysis and labelling theory. Concepts that we focused on for our study were youthculture, the search for identity and the testing of drugs. We did this by asking students, in ninth grade, to fill in questionnaire and interviews.Teenagers find themselves in a confusing stage in life and in a search for their identities they test many different things. The youthculture can be a contributing factor to them testing drugs.

Social sustainability is often regarded as a solution to social problems in general. In this study, on the contrary, social sustainability is conceived as a socially constructed concept and the result of a certain way of looking at the world, the human being and the ideal society. The study centers around Kinda municipality in the southern region of Östergötland and a few of its elder inhabitants. What meaning and substance social sustainability is contained with as well as the effects that are produced by these conceptualizations is explored and analyzed. Also, the study examines the encounter between political policy?s and judgments on the one hand and the experiences and preferences held by the municipality?s elder inhabitants on the other..

Aims: Patient associations have been around for some time and research has shown that such associations can influence society, politics and how diagnoses are thought of. This study is a comparative analysis of two patient associations in Sweden. The first association called Attention represents people diagnosed with neuropsychiatric disorders such as ADHD. The other association called RSMH represents people diagnosed with mental illness such as depression. The aim of this study is to explore the social and political agenda of these associations and to explain their relation to biological, psychological and social models of explanation.Method and theory: The method used was a qualitative document analysis using documents produced by the associations themselves as well as documents from media and politics.

Hasan di Tiro och organisationen Acheh Sumatra National Liberation Front (ASNLF) har varit den drivande kraften i kampen för ett självständigt Acheh, som sedan 1949 varit en del av Indonesien. Deras främsta argument är att när den forna nederländska kolonin upplöstes överläts Acheh till den konstruerade nationen Indonesien, ett land utan några som helst historiska eller kulturella band med Acheh. Syftet med denna uppsats är att utföra en narrativanalys på den dagbok Hasan di Tiro skrev 1976-79 mitt under den pågående frihetskampen. Vi analyserar vilka kognitiva och ideologiska uppfattningar som ligger till grund för konstruktionen av en achehnesisk fiendebild, samt hur di Tiro refererar till Indonesien som "den Andre" i sin narrativa diskurs. Vår analys visar att fiendebilden om Indonesien bygger på en stark förankring i Achehs historiska uppfattning från kolonialtiden, samt på ett resonemang där fienden avhumaniseras och sätts i en underlägsen position i kontrast till den egna identiteten..

This paper is about drug prevention. In my paper the aim is to examine when, where and how the drug prevention work, by law, is being realized, on local levels, in school and municipality, towards youth.My central questions are among others: What does it imply, how the municipality and school value the drug prevention work?, Which prevention programs do the municipality and school use? and Does the drug prevention work give any results? The method I've been using is qualitative interviews and studies of literature and research.The main results I gained with my studie are, that the work of politicians is not in phase with the development in society. And in spite of the fact that drug prevention programs are used, the young ones are using drugs and alcohol more than ever..

In recent years, the right-wing extremist site Avpixlat (?Unveiled?) and the anti-racist blog Inte rasist, men... (?Not a racist, but??, IRM) have established themselves as political actors and platforms for political discussion in Sweden. However, we know very little about them and their impact on democracy.

Purpose/Aim : The aim of this study is to investigate and describe "kontaktmannaskapet" in the Swedish correctional system. I also aim to investigate if there are any differences between how the different actors involved in the correctional system look at this phenomena and how different sociological theories can be applied on "kontaktmannaskapet" in order to make it more comprehensible for the actors involved.Material/Method : This investigation is based on a larger qualitative inquiry consisting of several personal interviews. Further material has been used, such as literature and reports about "kontaktmannaskapet" inside and outside the correctional system.Main results : The overall opinion about the "kontaktmannaskapet" is positive. "Kontaktmannaskapet" as a working method of the correctional officer has a potential to become a useful instrument in rebuilding the lost identy of the inmate as well as reducing the stereotypes often associated with the relationship between inmates and prison personnel..

AbstractC-level in Political Science by Christoffer Odén, vt-08?Traditionalism versus Modernism. The Ideology Debate in Left-Socialist Party Today?Instructor: Mats LindbergThe purpose with this essay is to describe the ideology debate in Left-Socialist Party between traditionalists and modernists. This essay have the following questions: 1 ) What are the differences between traditional and modern politics in the Left-Socialist Party? 2 ) What is similar between traditional and modern politics in the Left-Socialist Party? My method is to analyse the Left-Socialist Party programme from 2004 and analyse a programme from the modernist organisation Vagval Vanster.

This thesis analyzes the media debates generated by the election of Omar Mustafa to the board of the social democratic party, and the appointment of the conservative Minister of Labour, Elisabeth Svantesson. More specifically, the aim is to analyze newspaper material through a discourse analyze, to see if and how religious affiliation effects the possibilities to act as a political representative. Theories of othering and intersectionality serve as theoretical points of departure. Further, chains of equivalence from Laclau and Mouffe?s discourse theory are used to study how categories as ?us? and ?the other? are constructed in the material, and how these processes of categorization relate to the intersection of religion, gender and ethnicity.

Three different factors are thought to be involved in the increased segregation in Stockholm: the living segregation, scientific and political dissonances and the social economical factor. Many segregated areas have many inhabitants with foreign background. Schools in these areas have a higher number of students with lower grades compared to other schools with higher number of students that are ethnical Swedes. Jordbromalmsskolan is a school in Haninge kommun that is one of the seven schools in Stockholms suburbs where students graduate with the lowest grades. The school is suffering from a very bad reputation because of many problems like fights between students and lack of resources like purchase stop.

C-essay in political science by Dennis Callejas Gidlund, ht-14. Supervisor: FreddyKjellström.?Great minds think alike. An comparativa study of the Social Democrats and theModerates parties programme 1990-2013.?The purpose with the essay is to examine if the Social Democrats and the Moderates havegotten closer within labor market policies, education policies and also within the view ofmigration and integration.