The aim of this study was to examine the view of social service workers on the secondary housing market based upon their work with social investigations regarding people with a difficult substance abuse. The foundation of this study rests upon a phenomenon, which according to other scholars, occurs in the secondary housing market in Sweden. The secondary housing market consists of a multitude of housing projects that social services provide for people who are homeless. The phenomenon is that the secondary housing market contains a number of demands aimed at the clients who live in these housing projects. If a client fails to live up to the demands it can sometimes lead to negative consequences which results in an exclusion from the housing projects.

This essay is about children who have psychological and social problems. An increase part of children and young people in Sweden describe this kind of difficulties. These problems are at the same time a concern for the school as well as the social welfare. The purpose in this essay is to explore if children with psychological and social problems have the same legal rights to education as other children. The main questions are to describe the legal rights in this area and explore how schools and social welfare cooperate in order to achieve better possibilities for the children.The facts take a legal aspect as a starting point.

Med denna studie avser vi att identifiera vilka hinder som finns i demokratise-ringsprocessen. För att göra detta använder vi oss utav en historisk-sociologisk te-ori, presenterad utav Rueschemeyer, Stephens, Stephens (1992). Teorin bygger på antagandet att det är maktrelationen mellan samhällets klasser som styr förutsätt-ningarna för en demokratisk utveckling, där en stark markägande elit samt en svag underklass utgör negativa faktorer. För att pröva teorin gör vi en fallstudie över Guatemala. Denna grundar sig på en jämförelse av demokratiseringsprocessen över tid, från tidigt 90-tal fram till idag.

Denna uppsats handlar om öppna förskolan, en verksamhet för barn och föräldrar som vissa kommuner väljer att tillhandahålla. Trots att verksamheten funnits drygt 30 år, är den sparsamt utforskad. Uppsatsarbetet har därför inriktats mot ett explorativt sökande efter olika föreställningar om öppna förskolan. Föreställningarna har på formuleringsarenan eftersökts i tryckta källor, och på realiseringsarenan genom en etnografiskt inspirerad fältstudie i två öppna förskolor. Syftet har varit att uppnå förståelse för arenornas föreställningar om öppna förskolan och hur dessa föreställningar förhåller sig till varandra.

In our bachelor thesis we have strived to examine the representation of journalism students in Nicaragua. The freedom of press is much lower compared to Sweden and the journalist profession is protected by a certificate. It is also a high level of corruption within the country. Our investigation concerns who has access to the journalist education and the goal is to compare that with the public in Nicaragua. To be able to examine the representation among the journalism students we have chosen seven different aspects to examine, the sex of the student, witch social class they belong to, their academic background, religion, ethnicity, geographical belonging and political view.

The consociational democracy model in Macedonia, which came out from a warcrisis and a peace agreement from 2001, in addition, putting an end to the violent conflict, actually admits the division of the society along the ethnic lines. Paradoxically, there is an attempt to bridge the ethnic gap with this model. As a result, the consociational democracy model holds solutions that can be abused if somebody misuses its power and desires to disintegrate the country. The future development depends therefore on the moderate attitude of the citizens, and first and foremost, on the political elites and their commitment to the values of democracy and human rights instead of their nationalistic goals. Furthermore, thepresent democratic consolidation in Macedonia is established on the execution of the peace agreement and the improved effectiveness of the institutions.

This study examines affective polarization among first-time voters in Sweden and the factors that explain variation in its levels. Affective polarization refers to the extent to which individuals hold negative feelings toward political opponents. Drawing on social identity theory and theories of ideological polarization, the study tests two hypotheses regarding why first-time voters are expected to display lower levels of affective polarization compared to older voters. Affective polarization is operationalized as the dispersion of individuals' evaluations of political parties and analyzed using visual graphs alongside bivariate and multivariate regression models to identify underlying mechanisms. The results show that first-time voters, on average, exhibit slightly lower levels of affective polarization than older voters.

The word crisis is often used in everyday language, but according to political theory it actually refers to a crisis situation within a country where national interests suddenly are at stake demanding that important and complex decisions must be made within certain time constraints. These decisions can in turn lead up to most fatal consequences. USA, being one of the world's superpowers is most certainly involved in crisis situations directly or indirectly, frequently or more seldom. Amounts of people get suddenly involved and even more people can be drawn in by the decisions that are made thereby. Research has shown that the character of a leader affects decision-making.

This essay aims to examine and compare Swedish and Norwegian social work with children. It is a comparative study between two social welfare offices, in districts with similar population and problems, one located in Stockholm and one in Oslo. The main questions were; how is the work organized and carried out, what type of help and assistance is available and what kind of discretion and powers do the social workers have. In our essay we used qualitative methods mostly based on interviews, vignette questionnaires and documents, but also written research. In our analysis we used modern organisation theory and street level bureaucracy to seek explanations.The two welfare offices have similarities and differences.

Syftet med studien var att beskriva arbetsterapeuters erfarenheter av trädgården som arena för arbetsterapeutisk rehabilitering. Undersökningsgruppen bestod av sju legitimerade arbetsterapeuter som arbetat med klienter i trädgårdsmiljö. De utvalda arbetsterapeuterna intervjuades utifrån en semistrukturerad intervjuguide. Det insamlade datamaterialet analyserades med kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Resultatet presenteras i tre kategorier "Trädgården som ett aktivitetsrum", "Trädgårdsrelaterade terapeutiska aktiviteter" och "Arbetsterapeutens kompetens för trädgårdsrehabilitering".

AbstractThe aim of this thesis is to investigate how the Swedish political parties have been discussing gender politics since 1970 to nowadays, in order to see which problems and solutions that have been suggested by the parties to increase the representation of women and the equality between the sexes. The theoretical framework is constructed by theories of women´s representation, gender politics and women?s interest.To describe how the discussions about gender politics have been between the different parties, the methodological foundation consists of an ideology critical textual analysis of the political programs from the Swedish parties.The analysis confirms that the discussions about gender politics and the political representation of women increase over time. The most important issue of equality is the lack of women´s rights and possibilities in the labor market as a consequence of women´s responsibility of home and childcare. The analysis also shows that parties which discuss women as a category and the underrepresentation of women also point out the importance to increase equality between men and women..

This paper deals with a partly new development in the Swedish law system, somewhere in the boundary between political science and jurisprudence. A new instrument -artbrott- has successively become more popular among lawyers and politicians. The new instrument -here translated to classified crimes- signifies that the perpetrator is sentenced to prison even though the seriousness of the crime committed is not in itself serious enough for such a consequence. The reason for this policy stance is to create a prevention against crime of that specific character among the public. The use of this instrument has grown considerably both concerning types of crimes as well as in application.

Vid närmare undersökning upptäckte jag ett fält som inte tidigare hade utforskats. Forskning kring förhandlingar mellan olika nationaliteter med olika kulturer är utbredd men väldigt lite finns kring förhandlingar mellan samma nationalitet fast med olika kulturer. Inget fanns kring förhandlingar mellan arbetarkulturen och tjänstemannakulturen inom Sverige vilket fick mig att skriva denna pilotstudie om just detta. Med en reviderad version av Raymond Cohens teori om förhandlingar och kultur som ramverk lyckades jag med hjälp av samtalsintervjuer, enkäter och egna observationer ifrån förhandlingar visa på vissa kulturella skillnader. Det skulle visa sig att arbetarkulturen var kollektivistiskt orienterad medan tjänstemannakulturen var mer individualistiskt orienterad vilket har en rad konsekvenser för förhandlingarna dem emellan.

This thesis is an analysis of articles published in the Palestinian newspaper al-Quds concerning the escalated conflicts within the Fatah movement during the summer in 2004.The study is done on the basis of the assumption that The Palestinian Authority (PA) expects the domestic media institutions to support the official objectives and, in this case most important, the national unity. My investigation reveals that the articles are indeed highly adjusted and purposed to unify and to hinder further growing instability, both in the politicalsphere and in the streets. The message urging for unification under the PA is constantly, directly and indirectly, repeated throughout the articles by the choice of themes and references as well as by the choice of individuals and organisations delivering statements..

AbstractDue to the success of the Populist Party Sverigedemokraterna in the Swedish election of 2006, the daily paper Sydsvenska Dagbladet published a number of columns written by well-known academics, writers and debaters. Their aim was to address the question of why this happened in the election and what it is in the Swedish society today that brought forward these trends. The first and the last word was given to the writer Fredrik Ekelund, and therefore the debate was named Ekelunddebatten.The debaters are fighting to present their view of the world as the only option when categorizing different societal groups and appointing themselves as group representatives. My aim is to unravel these different conceptions of the world and to do this I use the Dicourse Analysis as a method. I discuss the results with Critical Discourse Theory as a theoretical base and also from the view of the current societal discourses: the working class discourse, the multicultural discourse and the discourse of political correctness.I mainly observe four different conceptions of the world with different posing of problems.