The purpose with the essay was to study the school and the social welfare personnel respectively along with their perspectives and views on their collaboration in the work with socially exposed children and how the collaboration was formed.To get answers to my questions, I interviewed three teachers and three social welfare secretaries. The questions and the analysis were divided into themes: the collaboration between school and social services now and in the future, development of collaboration, and facilitation and difficulties.When analysing the interviews I found a consensus in some questions. All interviewed agreed on the importance of collaboration for the welfare of the child through continuous meetings. The relationship and dialogue between school and social services was vital. Both teachers and social welfare secretaries found it essential not to be seen as a hidden authority.

In Sweden between 800.000 and 900.000 people have some kind of alcohol related addiction. Each and everyone are expected to have three relatives who in some way are involved in the abuser´s way of life. The consequences of living close to someone with an abuse of alcohol is described as a chaotic life with extreme emotional stress, fear and anger.The aim with our essay has been to look into how social workers are describing their work, from the relatives´ point of view. We also wanted to understand how the relatives´ situation can be. We reached our aim through interviews with social workers and by literature studies.The primary conclusion of the essay is that the dominating theory is that addiction is an illness.

The focus of this thesis is on social workers? knowledge in assessing and making decisions in child welfare cases. The primary aim is to identify what skills or knowledge social workers find most useful within child welfare agencies in Swedish municipalities. Six different types of knowledge, social policy and the approach of child welfare cases are perspectives considered in the analysis. The interviews with social workers were held in three agencies in southern Sweden, in 2014.

New political parties are increasing as phenomena in Swedish politics. Some of these parties have gained much attention in the media, and recent examples are Junilistan, Feministiskt initiativ and Sjukvårdspartiet. Media plays an important role for political parties as it is a way for the parties to communicate with the citizens. Therefore this essay examines how these three new parties have been pictured in media lately, and with what arguments they are discussed. This is done by argument analysis of editorials in five Swedish newspapers.

In this thesis we have tried to answer the question of whether or not the peaceorganizations working in Israel and Palestine have an impact. We have answered the question by analyzing six different organizations; three who work with children and the other three with women issues. The analysis contains a case study of each organization and then a comparison between the two groups. This study is built on theories about; grassroots organizations, women in organizations and intergroup communication. Our conclusions in this thesis show that there are some similarities between the groups as well as there are differences.

The purpose of this study is to examine political crimes in and women?s political activity in 18th century Sweden. The cases of political crimes which has been used range from 1700- 1789 and they form an outline of the patterns of political crime in this century. These cases contain different types of political crimes, but most common ar defamation of the royal family, defamatory writings, rumor-spreading and treason. To study women?s political activity, seven cases ranging from 1749 to 1758 have been more closely studied.

Det är viktigt att se hälsa ur ett helhetsperspektiv där den sociala, fysiska samt psykiska hälsan ingår. Människan tillbringar en stor del av sitt liv på arbetsplatsen, det är därför en viktig arena att arbeta hälsofrämjande med. Hälsofrämjande sjukhus är ett exempel på en sådan arena. För hälsofrämjande sjukhus är det bland annat viktigt att främja den egna personalens hälsoutveckling i en positiv riktning, med hjälp av en aktiv kunskapsförmedling. På arbetsplatsen är det viktigt med nyckelpersoner som kan förmedla kunskap om hälsans villkor till övriga anställda.

During the study's first stage we noticed that the Swedish term ? utanförskap? was constructed for political purposes, the term?s ambiguity what was first raised our interest. Therefore the aims of this study was to examine how social workers at the social welfare office and the labor market related project Framtid Kronoberg  as well as politicians within the administration of Arbete & Välfärd (Work & Welfare) relates to utanförskap as a social phenomenon. The study?s second aim was to examine how the aforementioned persons consider utanförskap to be counteracted among young adults.

This essay speaks about the medial coverage made by the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter. The periods examined are the two weeks before the election day (5 September ? 19 September 2010). The purpose of our study is to find out if the newspaper was neutral and did not write in favour of any political party or political block in the newssection. After the elections in Sweden 2010 there have been discussions about the medias in the country being biased, and claims have been made that the news have been written in favour of a certain political party or a bloc.

After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 the satellite states of the former Communist bloc immediately departed on a journey towards democracy and market capitalism. Among the many tasks of the newly elected governments, one was to transform the paternalist Communist welfare state into a social system that would decrease the oversized role of the state, at the same time as protecting the citizens from the hardships ensued from the transition.I have studied the evolution of new welfare systems in the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary, three countries generally agreed as the most similar and most successfull transition countries of the Eastern bloc. Gøsta Esping-Andersen's prominent typology of welfare regimes, consisting of the liberal, corporatist and social democratic regime-types, has constituted the theoretical basis of the analysis. Simultaneously, applying new cases to the typology implies an element of theory testing.The study shows that 40 years of Communism and partial isolation from the West has not prevented these three countries from developing welfare states fully compatible with those of Western Europe and the Anglo-Saxon nations and that all three of them in fact fall within the scope of the corporatist regime-type..

Studies have shown that politicians are significantly more likely to become victims of violent crime than other citizens in Sweden. In fact increasing political rank and engagement are directly proportionate to increased risk for violence. Threat towards politicians is not only dangerous to the individuals involved but also to the democratic system as a whole.Political scientists the world over have done a lot of research on democracy, but I have been unable to find a single method or theory that examines how violence, threat and harassment affect political leaders and democratic systems.The aim of this study is to expand the existing model made by Tommy Möller, professor in political science. In his model he presents 11 factors that affect political leaders ability to act. My aim is to develop his model by adding a 12 th factor ?violence, threat and harassment?.

The purpose of this study is to analyze how university students, who are not members of a political party, experiencing existing selective and collective incentives for involvement in a political party. Furthermore, the study will highlight incentives which could help the political parties to increase their membership. The study is based on seven interviews and the respondents were selected after conducting a survey of students? political involvement. The interviews were analyzed through the theory of selective and collective incentives. The study shows that the incentives, both selective and collective, for involvement in a political party in general are weak and that the costs in terms of time, money and education are seen as too high.

The Sweden Democrats achieved great progress in the latest election in the Swedish municipals. The party is now closer than ever concerning reaching the Swedish parliament. This thesis examines the Sweden Democrats in the Swedish municipals with the aim to find out which municipal factors that led to their progress. By looking at the percentage share of unemployment, the percentage share of foreigners, the percentage share of education, average income, traditional political colour, average age, criminality, early representation of a party hostile to foreigners, the municipal type and the sickliness in the municipals I find out which factors explain the progress of the Sweden Democrats. The thesis is an empirical quantitative study build on statistics by the help of regression analysis and diagrams.

North Korea is considered to be the most autocratic dictatorship in the world today. Its citizens are denied their most basic human rights and North Koreas ambition to pursue nuclear weapons is looked upon with great fear from the international community and the US in particular. Some experts say that the threat from North Korea is far greater than the one possessed by Saddam Hussein. Although North Korea seems to inhabit all the necessary criteria for an US military intervention the United States has openly declared its diplomatic ambitions with the state. Why?With the use of realist and social construction theory this study will bring clarity to why the United States prefers diplomacy instead of a military intervention.

When it comes to political representation, all over the world women almost always make up a minority of representatives in the legislative bodies. The Scandinavian countries in general and Sweden in particular have though been exceptions to this rule with, when compared to other countries, a rather high percentage of women in elected positions. This development took off in the seventies: during that decade the unit percentage of women in the Swedish Riksdag rose by double!The aim for this thesis is to analyse what underlying ideas influenced this advance. The focus is on three different female party federations, who are believed to have had a great impact on this increase of women politicians through their influence in their own mother parties. The federations analysed are the ones connected to the Social Democratic Party, the Centre Party and the Liberal party.