Starting at the end of the Cold War, this publication assesses the impact of the upheavals in Eastern Europe and the atrophic Soviet Union on the Swedish doctrine of neutrality with its 200 year old tradition. Since the end of world war two the proximity of the Soviet Union had constituted the major impetus for upholding a position of neutrality and as this vanished a pressure for change was created. This essay works with a theoretical framework delineated by Kjell Goldmann and under this disposition, the Swedish tradition of neutrality, governmental positions, opposition and four major influential newspapers are studied. The standings of each variable are canvassed in an attempt to explain the development of Swedish security policy during the crucial years of 1988-1992..

On-call work has increased substantially in the past 20 years in Sweden, not least in the public sector and most notably in health and social care. This thesis argues that the increase has considerable influence on the prospects of on-call workers in the public services to act as guardians of democracy. Based on theories of Lennart Lundquist, the results of this study show that on-call workers suffers from inferior opportunities to act as democratic guardians in particularly two matters. First; they have fewer prospects than standard employees of professionalism due to lack of education and capacitation. Second; on-call workers have inferior opportunities to protest against wrongs, due to no real formalized possibilities to inform and due to transactional psychological contracts.

Uppsatsens frågeställning är: På vilket sätt kan demokratisering fungera som konfliktlösningsmekanism efter folkmordet i Rwanda?Folkmordet i Rwanda kan ses i ljuset av att det var ett inbördeskrig med etniska grunder. För att lösa konflikter av denna typ driver vi tesen att demokratisering är den konfliktlösningsmekanism som är mest lämpad på sikt. Vi applicerar teorier från konfliktlösning och demokratisering, och kombinerar dessa för att nå svar på vår frågeställning. Consociationalteorin är vår huvudsakliga teori, då den är utvecklad för etniskt splittrade samhällen.

Studerade effekten av social ångest och självfokusering på attributionsstil och impressionsbildning. En 2 (uppmätt hög/låg social ångest) x 2 (manipulerad hög/låg självfokusering) design användes. Deltagarna var 68 studenter, 56 kvinnor och 12 män. För attributionsstil användes separata skalor för bra och dåliga händelser. För impressionsbildning användes en positiv och en negativ skala.

Varför vann Hamas valet? Valresultatet som blivit så uppmärksammat och ifrågasatt av omvärlden vill vi undersöka. Vårt syfte är att hitta en förklaring till varför det palestinska folket röstade på ett av omvärlden terrorstämplat parti. I vår undersökning utgår vi från fyra olika väljarteorier som kan härledas till den politiska kontexten. Teorierna förklarar valresultat utifrån 1) ideologisk närhet 2) politisk agenda 3) tydlighet i kommunikation av ståndpunkter 4) partiernas kompetens.

The purpose of this study was to enlighten the views of male social work students on; the social work profession, social work status and their career options. Also, the study aimed at getting these students angles of approach on the fact that they, being men, are a minority group within the profession of social work. Some of the main questions were: Why does not social work as a profession seem to attract men? What about the status of the profession of social work? What were the thoughts of male social work students about this? What advantages or disadvantages did they recognise, being a minority in the profession? The method used in this study was doing separate interviews. All of the interviewed students were convinced that they had a better chance of getting a job.

In this thesis we have tried to answer the question of whether or not the peaceorganizations working in Israel and Palestine have an impact. We have answered the question by analyzing six different organizations; three who work with children and the other three with women issues. The analysis contains a case study of each organization and then a comparison between the two groups. This study is built on theories about; grassroots organizations, women in organizations and intergroup communication. Our conclusions in this thesis show that there are some similarities between the groups as well as there are differences.

The major focus in this study is structural inequalities in primary school in Sweden. UNESCO points out that in many developing countries, up to 40% of the children perform at or below the lowest proficiency level in language and mathematics. Sweden has been criticized by the UN about the large differences in educational achievements between different regions. Based on an official study Sweden considers that those differences are related to ethnically segregate residential areas. My research question is whether the Swedish government takes adequate consideration of the impact that socioeconomically aspects have on educational achievement.

To create fair conditions between majority and minority in Sweden is a challeging project. Male immigrants usually do not get same opportunities for a success identity structure and integration into Swedish society as women and children. The aim of this thesis is therefore to critically examine and analyse the processes regarding identity structure and integration for male immigrants with a specific focus on Helsingborg. The object of this study is Mansgrupp, a project which helps men to build up a secure ground for identity structure and which further helps them to integrate into the society. To be able to reach the results I have made a literature study as well as a minor field study in Helsingborg, where I conducted interviews with men from the above mentioned project.

The purpose of this study was to compare Glasgow/ Scotland and Malmö/ Sweden concerning their efforts towards youth unemployment, in sense of the social policy related to the organization. We have particularly concentrated on; the direct and indirect political strategies for young unemployed; what specific efforts that are provided on a local level; finding explanations to the design of these efforts and describing the development of youth unemployment and labour market- policies in each country. We have based our study on literature studies and six qualitative interviews conducted with representatives from different organizations and the municipality in Glasgow and Malmö. The outcome of our essay showed some differences in the political strategies. Scotland work closer to the employers and labour market compared to Sweden whose policy more promotes education.

Imagine not being able to choose who you are going to be in an intimate relationship with. It used to be like that but the situation has changed - these days we have a lot of different options available to choose for ourselves how to live our lives. We have a lot of different ways to influence how we want to live our lives and with whom we want to share them with.The aim of this study was to examine how individuals feel about their relationship and why they choose to stay in a relationship with their current partner. How do individuals in a relationship feel about aspects including for example conflicts, communication and trust? Is Anthony Giddens theory about the pure relationship applicable on relationships today? To find the answers to these questions we made a quantitative study and used a questionnaire to collect empirical data.

Participation is central to the concept of democracy. The role of the civic participation varies with different types of democracy, but a fundamental requirement is that the participation is free and equal. In spite of this, there are significant differences between possibilities to democratic participation in Sweden today.This essay seeks to understand how disability, historically and still today, is constructed as a social deviation from normality, and is constructed to Otherness.One way to regard freedom and equality is to examine the personal autonomy, the legth to wich a person decides her/his roles and activities in abcence of external limitations. Personal autonomy is theoretically central in deliberative and strong democracy, but should reasonobly be a demand for the fundamental definition of democracy.The explanation to why the lack of personal autonomy is accepted, is that the construction of Otherness results in that the persons are categorized and are given simplified characteristics, and are thereby not accepted as equivalent people.In the inteviews conducted, seven politicians contribute both whiteness, pathological discourses regarding disability and ideas of normality through discussing democracy, participation and disability. Simultaniously, they express interest and an awareness on the majority's power and symbolic violence on the minority..

The purpose of this essay was to, by the ecology of human development theory, examine 10-year old childrens own experience of their lifesituation outside the time of school. The study was based on qualitative interviews with six 10-year old children from a smaller community in Sweden. The main guestions was:1. What is the experience of being 10 year?2.

Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union a lot of hope has been put on civil society to help develop Russia into a more democratic society. This study explores the constructive elements in the relationship between civil society and the state in Russia, and how this enables the work toward political development. By using Julie Fishers theory about political development and organisational autonomy I discuss the varying and often complex ways in which civil society and the state interacts. These are often not mentioned in the liberal tradition, which believes that civil society's most important democratic function is to act as a watchdog for the state.There is very limited political space for NGO's in authoritative Russia. The existing oppositional NGO's are important for the political development, but they are few and their impacts on society are limited.

The number of blogs, from weblogs, are increasing every day. Blogs are also becoming more visible in the public debate as well as the awareness of their existance is rising among politicians and citizens. The aim of this thesis is to answer the question what democratic potential blogs can have. This question will be answered by initially studying the research that exists today about weblogs and democracy. The second part of the analysis consists of a selection of texts from weblogs that touches this subject.