Folkha?lsopolitiken skapar fo?rutsa?ttningar fo?r befolkningens ha?lsa. Folkha?lsoinsatserna bo?r vara politiskt fo?rankrade pa? nationell, regional och lokal niva? fo?r att fo?rsta?rka folkha?lsan. Ha?lsopolicytriangeln a?r ett hja?lpmedel fo?r de akto?rer som vill skapa eller revidera handlingsplaner som anva?nds fo?r att styra och fo?lja upp kommunalt folkha?lsoarbete.

This case study is an attempt to give empirical support to Georgio Agambens theory, regarding how the exceptions from the constitutional order should be regarded as a constant element in modern societies. The purpose was to investigate if Agambens theory is valid in the Swedish context. The exception, as definied by Agamben, is a reappearing phenomenon, which implies that the constitutional order is fragile. Individuals and groups are transferred into ?homo sacers?, meaning people that is to be regarded as legally naked, and offset from the rest of society.What then is it that make the legal norms fragile? In this thesis I will discuss the causality of moral panic.

AbstractSouth Africa is a country where apartheid has created a segregated population and the countrys cultural traditions affects the human situations in a unique way. Equalities between gender, class and ethnicity is a main focus for female activists in their work to give the exposed population tools and knowledges to stand up for themselves to cope with the unbalanced structure. This examination paper is done in a qualitative case study in South Africa. The content consists of thourough descriptions of how the society is percieved by four different people, explained by feministic theories and former research that is connected to the papers purpose and question formulations. The purpose of this paper is to examine how Sikhula Sonke, a women´s movement in South Africa looks at the female?s situation in the society and how they are going about their work to improve social equality.

With the help of large amount of archive material I have examined how Gustavsberg in Värmdö were affected by the great labor migration in Gustavsberg porcelain factory during the period 1869-1924. I have chosen to investigate how the municipality dealt with the poverty relief issue out of the labour immigration perspective. To my surprise I found out that Värmdö was not responsible for Gustavsberg in the poverty issue. The workers belonged to the factory, which had a relatively well-developed system of poverty relief in place. This is not to say that the workers received any support from the factory to any great extent.

The built environment should be accessible for everyone. A residence shall be functional without creating a handicap for people who have a disability from birth, caused by an accident or of old age. A residence that is accessible creates equal conditions for everyone.In this report the accessibility of newly built blocks of flats in Uddevalla city from 1990 until today are interpreted. One project that is yet to be built is interpreted and compared with the already existing projects. The apartments of seven projects have been analyzed according to today?s regulations of accessibility.

Hunting ground graves were distinguished as a separate category during the 1930s.         There is however no clear definition of what a hunting ground grave is. They have been constructed over a large area over a long period of time (200 BC-1200 AD) and their morphology varies.This paper investigates how the archaeologists have discussed the hunting ground graves since they were distinguished as a separate category until today. It investigates what concepts that have been used to define and categorize the graves as a group. It also investigates if the choices of concepts are depending on a broader societal perspective.To find the answers to these questions two surveys have been done.

Den här uppsatsen undersöker förhållandet mellan Kants estetiska omdöme, såsom det formuleras i Kritik av omdömeskraften, och Jacques Rancières estetiska projekt, framförallt i förhållande till begreppet dissensus. Dels försöker uppsatsen spåra arvet från Kant hos Rancière och visa hur detta tar sig uttryck, dels ställer den frågan om hur Kants omdöme politiseras med Rancières dissensus. Detta sker i två kapitel, varav det första är en läsning av Kants kritik av den estetiska omdömeskraften, mot bakgrund av idén om dissensus, och det andra en genomgång av Rancières formulering av dissensus, samt relaterade begrepp såsom konstens identifikationsregimer och ?fras-bilden?. Vidare jämför det andra kapitlet Rancières dissensus med Kants idé om det ?intresselösa? i det estetiska omdömet, samt visar vilka politiska eller metapolitiska implikationer Rancière tillskriver det senare.

The right wing party the Sweden Democrats is through their conservative and nationalist approach and socio-political heritage, connected to various extreme-right populist movements, which have all been in conflict with different branches of feminism. This connection is argued for in relation to the research survey. The party has likewise been accused of pursuing misogynistic, homophobic and racist politics, but differ from its ideological peers due to their outspoken equality policy. The party shows strong rejection of discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation or geographical, religious or ethnical background. In the analysis chapter of this study, texts produced by members of the party are analyzed by means of parts of Karlberg and Mral?s rhetoric analysis method, aiming to clarify what ideals of family and the roles within it are being constructed.

Uppsatsen behandlar böckerna och filmerna om Arn och undersöker genom berättelserna vilka representationer av makt, positivt kapital och livsmål som gestaltas. Uppsatsen baseras på den teoretiska tanken att populärkultur innehåller representationer med budskap, värderingar, normer och föreställningar gällande vår verklighet och därigenom påverkar vår uppfattning om världen, vår plats i samhället, vår identitet och vår uppfattning om vad som är värdefullt, viktigt och sant..

Human rights and solidarity, as well as moral and legal responsibilities to protect people in need of refuge, seem to be principles of secondary importance within international migratory policies today. Instead, the predominant view seems to focus more and more on the protection of territorial borders, the welfare state and national identity. This international change in discourse can also be seen in the political trends of individual states. There are reasons to believe that this is a development that is also perceptible in the political rhetoric that is used in parliamentary debates, which constitute the main focus of this thesis. The aim of this study has therefore been to increase the understanding of this change in migratory policies by analyzing Swedish parliamentary debates between 1975 and 2002, using a theoretical framework focused on two different perspectives on security: First, the Copenhagen School and securitization of migration, and second, human security and human rights.

The Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party are two parties with different ideological background. The parties have different opinions in issues of public and private matters. The Social Democratic Party profiles it self, through the local and national party programs, as a party for solidarity and security. The Moderate Party, on the other hand, profiles it self through their programmes as a party with a possibility for the individual to shape his or her own life. Through a survey on members in the local government, and two key persons at national level, the view of municipal self-government has appeared.

Sverige befann sig i en tid där andra världskriget fortfarande var i färskt minne. Geografiskt ligger landet centralt placerad mellan två supermakter, och det råder en spänd stämning i det internationella säkerhetspolitiska läget. Det svenska luftrummet har en stor strategisk betydelse i en internationell kontext. Med förtroendeskapande löften om alliansfrihet och ett avskräckande initiativ i form en av världens starkaste flygvapen försöker Sverige hålla sig utanför eventuella väpnade konflikter. Alliansfrihet syftande till neutralitet i krig är den officiella säkerhetspolitiska ställning Sverige har haft i nästan 200 år, och inte minst under två världskrig.

ABSTRACT For hundreds of years there has been a tradition with tethered dairy cows in Sweden. The last decades the old fashioned way to hold cows have been questioned and the number of dairy cows in loose housing has been increasing. Last year (2004) 19 percent in total of all farms with milk production in Sweden had their cows in loose housing. Because of EU-legislation concerning all organic production no farms are allowed to build tie stalls any more and after 2010 all organic dairy cows are supposed to live in loose-housing systems. The aim of the thesis was mainly to find out the number of farms with tethered organic dairy cows and if they will continue after the year 2010. Furthermore the purpose was to study if there are any regional differences, how countries similar to Sweden interpret the EU-decision about tethered cows and differences in buildings between organic and conventional farms and the reasons to them.

Jag har undersökt en tvåspråkig pojkes kodblandning. Pojkens mamma talar finska med honom och pappa svenska. Pojken är mellan 2;3 och 2;5 under undersökningsperioden. Jag ville undersöka om pojken utvecklar sina två språk så som murgrönehypotesen förespråkar. Hypotesen är utformad av Petra Bernardini och Suzanne Schlyter.

AbstractTitle: Swedish freedom of speech compared to european freedom of speechNumber of pages: 57Author: Gabriella BoodeTutor: Göran SvenssonCourse: Media and Communication Studies CPeriod: Spring 2009University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science,Uppsala UniversityPurpose/Aim: The purpose with the dissertation is to see if there has been a limitation inSwedish freedom of speech since parts of the European union laws is superiour to theSwedish constitution as freedom of the press regulations and freedom of speech constitution.A more narrow purpose is to find out how the specific Swedish rights such as individual?slegal right to publish information are influenced by the European union laws and are superiorto the freedom of the press regulations and freedom of speech constitutionThe survey will also try to find out the effectiveness with the Lisbon Strategy ?s emergencybrake and its purpose to protect the Swedish freedom of the press regulations and freedom ofspeech constitution. How big is the difference between the different member states concerningthe protection of the freedom of speech?Material/Method: The data collected for this thesis is retrieved through personal interviewswith representives from experts with in the field as Uppsala University and the SwedishGovernent.Main results: It is obvious that Sweden has the strongest protection of freedom of speechcomparing to the other EU member states. No other EU country has as detailed constitution asthe Swedish constitution TF and YGL.