This paper has its aim to investigate in which way the theory about the dynamic of the triadic nexus, presented by Brubaker, needs to be revised. In the first place this theory is presented and after then applied on the triad formed by: the Hungarian national minority in Transylvania, Romania and Hungary. Through the empirical evidences, that are presented here by following up the political relations and its dynamics over time between the three fields, is shown that the theory is usable for the case in question. Further as we approach the more actual development of the political life in the triad appears a need to deal with one more field which would be for example the NATO or/and EU.This means that Brubakers theory has to be revised so it would take in account a forth field and that of an international organization/institution. The arguments for this needed change is put forth through empirical evidences on the political relations that the two states has with NATO or/and EU and the huge influence these have on the states..

The purpose of this study is to investigate how much influence children perceive and feel that they have in terms of after-school activities and offerings. I have also tried to find out how much influence the children in the selected after-schools feel they have. This is to highlight how children themselves perceive their influence and if the children are aware of their Rights in terms of participation and influence. The study also wants to highlight the forums and the ways in which children feel that they are heard. The study used questionnaires and group interviews were made of 15 children aged 8-9 years from two after-schools, located in two different schools in the same municipality.

According to the Conventions on the Rights of the Child, children have the right to make their voices heard and express their opinion in situations concerning them. With this paper the authors have chosen to explore social worker?s view?s on children?s participation and influence, and how these are manifested through the entire case process. The focus in this study has also been the positive and negative effects the children?s influence may have.To investigate this, a qualitative study using semi-structured interviews has been conducted.

Uppsatsen behandlar vilken inverkan på statssuveränitet som förhållandet mellan statliga, respektive icke-statliga aktörer har. Två statscentrerade perspektiv på internationell politik, realismen och liberalismen, utgör de definitionsmässiga begränsningarna av statssuveränitet. Aktörerna belyses i en fallstudie där trafficking i Thailand utgör det empiriska exemplet. Den teoretiska ansatsen utgörs av två konkurrerande perspektiv, ett aktörsbaserat och ett strukturellt betingat, som sammanförs till en syntes. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten förstärks av bumerangmönstret, en modell som illustrerar hur NGOs verkar i en internationell kontext.

In 2008 USA was the one country that had the most people behind bars, both in numbers andpercentage, 2,3 million people. Of all the male convicts that were being held in custody aroundthe country's different detention facilities, thousands of them were being exposed to sexualabuse, such as rape. This essay will try to understand why there hasn?t been a bigger public outcryin the American community concerning this. It does so by studying the view of rape as a crime ofgender, by examining religion in USA and the Christian view on homosexuality, looking into thepublics thoughts on prisons and the penalty's purpose plus studying theory's of the publics viewon the prisoner.

Our aim with this paper is to study the debate concerning the refusal of entry of the two Egyptians and the involvement of USA, to see if the Swedish sovereignty has been compromised. We have chosen two theories, realism and radicalism, to read if opinions can be identified of supporting one of them. The empiricism we selected are from debate articles in the big news papers Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet and Expressen. We also studied the debate in the Riksdag . The method we used was qualitative and is called analysis of content.The result we could conclude was that most of the debaters are disappointed with how the government handled the whole situation, but still believes that it made the decision on itself.

The main purpose of this essay was to study how the social service and the lawcourt have implemented the UN Convention on the Right of the Child, particularly incorporating the childs best interest in social services, child welfare investigations and the lawcourts judgement. We considered how the needs of the child, and the will and view of the child was documented. Also how the parents capacity and the environment factors, were documented in the social services investigations and the lawcourts judgement. The study was based both as a literature study and a document analysis. We analysed ten child welfare investigations from a social service office and their belonging lawcourt judgements.Our conclusion of the study is that the child is in focus both in the investigations and in judgement.

The ?peer to peer? (P2P) is a technology of downloading and filesharing between online - Internet - users by the mean of specified software. Since June 1999, the Napster software has made the happiness of millions of individuals who used it to obtain and share free audio files Mp3. Rapidly, the major recording companies have prosecuted the Napster Company and managed to force it to close down. They were arguing against it for it is supporting the development on a large scale traffic of files protected by copyright and thus was threatening the whole music and movies economic world.

ICTY bildades efter krigen i Jugoslavien. I uppsatsen beskrivs tribunalens bakgrund organisatoriskt och historiskt. Jag utreder även dels vad som faller under begreppet sexuellt våld enligt olika internationella organisationer som arbetar med internationella konflikter av olika slag, dels hur den jugoslaviska konflikten såg ut och hur sexuellt våld användes som del av krigföringen under konflikten jämfört med hur det har använts i andra fall. Jag beskriver slutligen de domar som ICTY har fällt angående sexuellt våld. Jag försöker således att utreda om ICTY har ökat juridisk rättvisa för kvinnor som har utsatts för sexuellt våld i krig.

AbstractThe purpose of this essay was to study the parental education for adoptive parents. It´s provided by law since 1/1-2005 that parents have to participate in this education-program before they adopt. We wanted to look at what caused the change and made the education compulsory and to find out where the initiative came from, what purpose the education is supposed to fulfil, if it can facilitate for adopted children during their growth and whether the parental education can support the idea of what is best for a certain child always has to come first, according to the UN convention on the Rights of the child and the Haag-convention.The study was based on eight qualitative interviews, four with social workers, three with representatives of adoption-organisations and one with a representative of the public authority of international adoption (MIA). The conclusions of our study are that there is a risk that the education can not fulfil its purpose to prepare parents for their task, that it looses the idea of what´s best for the child and focuses on the parent instead. It seems to be more of a try out to not violate conventions signed and thereby fulfil a symbolic purpose..

Since the introduction of the European citizenship in the Maastricht treaty, social Rights havetaken a back seat to the economic and political elements. Nevertheless, over the past yearssocial issues have been increasingly included on the agenda following the universalrecognition of challenges resulting from further economic integration and demographicchange. The extensive research on European social policy so far tend to focus on initiativesput forward by the European Commission, and offers little to explain the multitude of lines ofreasoning on how far EU social policy should be taken or why it still remains one of the leastdeveloped policy areas. By examining plenary debates in the European Parliament concerningfamily policy, this Bachelor thesis aims to describe the complex of problems connected to afurther development of the social dimension of the European citizenship.The analysis finds that the most imminent problems impeding an expansion of the EU familypolicy lie not only in the many clashes of opinions between advocates of the various existingwelfare models, but also in the conflicts of interests and the different levels of ambitionbetween EU institutions - most notably the Commission and the European Parliament..

Uppsatsen utreder vilka faktorer som påverkade konstituerandet av en palestinsk identitet mellan 1870-1920. Med bakgrund av ett teoretiskt ramverk om nationell identitet undersöks fyra teman i uppsatsen som behandlar: i vilken kontext en palestinsk identitet utvecklades under Osmanska riket, hur den arabiska pressens påverkade etablerandet av en nationell identitet och vilken inverkan politiska faktorer och demografiska förändringar hade på processen, däribland vilken roll Storbritanniens utrikespolitik spelade. Det framkommer i uppsatsen att en nationell identitet förstärks när en folkgrupp upplever att den befinner sig i en situation som anses ansträngd. Faktorer som tycks hota gruppens sammansättning blir då vägledande för hur den sociala identiten framställs och framhålls i relation till vilka/vad som uppfattas att vara hotande..

This case study examines how upper secondary schools in a municipality in the northern parts of Sweden structure their special pedagogy with students who have ADHD and dyslexia, students? and parents? experiences of this, and what regulates the schools management in this particular aspect. The results show that all the schools have special pedagogues and other support staff employed, though in varied extent. Furthermore, the resources are distributed differently from school to school. The focus, however, is always around communication between the concerned parties.

Sexuella rättigheter är ett nytt område som yrkar på ett erkännande som mänskliga rättigheter. Genom uppsatsen utforskar jag hur dess rättighetsanspråk har förts fram i den akademiska debatten.Premissen för uppsatsen är klyftan mellan rättigheter i teori och praktik som enligt vissa författare beror på att mänskliga rättigheters politiska diskurs osynliggörs. Jag har analyserat vad den politiska diskursen inrymmer och innebäri förhållande till sexuella rättigheter. Därmed vill jag bidra med en kritisk inblick i utmaningarna, motsättningarna och möjligheterna i konstruktionen av sexuella rättigheter. Jag ämnar även argumentera för att rättigheters politiska diskurs belyser sociala och ekonomiska kontexter som i sin tur påverkar hur sexuella rättigheter framställs inom den internationella arenan..

AbstractThe aim of this thesis is to investigate how the Swedish political parties have been discussing gender politics since 1970 to nowadays, in order to see which problems and solutions that have been suggested by the parties to increase the representation of women and the equality between the sexes. The theoretical framework is constructed by theories of women´s representation, gender politics and women?s interest.To describe how the discussions about gender politics have been between the different parties, the methodological foundation consists of an ideology critical textual analysis of the political programs from the Swedish parties.The analysis confirms that the discussions about gender politics and the political representation of women increase over time. The most important issue of equality is the lack of women´s Rights and possibilities in the labor market as a consequence of women´s responsibility of home and childcare. The analysis also shows that parties which discuss women as a category and the underrepresentation of women also point out the importance to increase equality between men and women..