ABSTRACT Poverty, and in particular child poverty, is a serious social problem. Statistics show that the number of children living in poverty has increased over the last ten years. Earlier research shows that there are huge gaps in our knowledge of how the actors in civil society handle child poverty. With this study we hope to help fill this gap. The aim of our study is to look at how four different organisations working in the civil society in Uppsala perceive and handle child poverty.

Different reports imply that the Roma are an excluded group in numerous areas of both Sweden and Europe. Efforts have been done through the centuries without given intentional results. The past 12 years as a Swedish national minority have not diminished the gap between the Roma and the majority society. How does Sweden create and operate its minority policy especially towards the Roma? We have studied international and national minority policy to see how it is described and implemented in the municipality work.

The purpose of this study is to examine the changes in law and other types of politicialregulation regarding unauthorized absence during the reformation of the Swedish schoolsystem in 2010. How was this ?new? approach on unauthorized absence established; whatmade it possible and which view on ?unauthorized absence? does it implicate? The study hasa discourse analytic approach in which it examines central policy documents regarding thetopic of inquiry. The study has found that the alliance-government?s education policy onunauthorized absence is pervaded by one hegemonic discourse termed the mono-culturaldisciplinary discourse.

General principles of law can be defined as a legal foundation with the function of codifying basic values. They can also be of a character, which makes them useful as supplement and interpretation of law. EU has developed principles of law that can be divided into general and special. Within the Union there are existences of around twenty general ones. A further separation can be made in terms of institutional and individual.

Uppsatsen behandlar Afrikanska Unionen (AU) och dess arbete för bevarandet av mänskliga rättigheter i konflikter, ett arbete som AU till största del misslyckats med. Darfur i Sudan är det konfliktområde som huvudsakligen tas upp. År 2002 övergick Organization of African Unity (OAU) till AU och därmed blev fokuseringen på mänskliga rättigheter större. I sitt arbete med mänskliga rättigheter utgår AU från African Charter on Human and Peoples? Rights (ACHPR) och Kommissionen (African Commission on Human and Peoples? Rights) är den institution som enligt ACHPR har till uppdrag att verka för de mänskliga rättigheterna.

The increasing importance of human Rights within the international community over the past fifteen years has raised the issue of humanitarian intervention. This concept is a complex one, and in the debate surrounding this issue can be heard arguments from and within legal, political and ethical standpoints. There is not yet a unified definition or agreement as to the nature of humanitarian intervention but it is clear that it is an important issue internationally and it is therefore interesting to see how this has affected the debate within individual countries. This study will thus examine the international development surrounding humanitarian intervention in relation to the official position taken by the Swedish government. The developments and discussion surrounding humanitarian intervention internationally and two central difficulties within this concept, legality vs.

Uppsatsen behandlar Afrikanska Unionen (AU) och dess arbete för bevarandet av mänskliga rättigheter i konflikter, ett arbete som AU till största del misslyckats med. Darfur i Sudan är det konfliktområde som huvudsakligen tas upp. År 2002 övergick Organization of African Unity (OAU) till AU och därmed blev fokuseringen på mänskliga rättigheter större. I sitt arbete med mänskliga rättigheter utgår AU från African Charter on Human and Peoples? Rights (ACHPR) och Kommissionen (African Commission on Human and Peoples? Rights) är den institution som enligt ACHPR har till uppdrag att verka för de mänskliga rättigheterna.

This article seeks to re-imagine the Alandish hembygdsrätt to a regional citizenship. Hembygdsrätt is a judicial tool that regulates acquisition of property and voting Rights. Its a central part of the autonomy as it constitutes a social-border between Finns and Alanders.However as Åland and Finland became members of the European Union questions arouse concerning the legitimacy of the current statues. The community argued that it could be considered as a breach of the anti-discrimination principle. Therefore Alandish autonomy was recognized as an exception in the joint-accession treaty of Finland and Åland.

Human Rights and solidarity, as well as moral and legal responsibilities to protect people in need of refuge, seem to be principles of secondary importance within international migratory policies today. Instead, the predominant view seems to focus more and more on the protection of territorial borders, the welfare state and national identity. This international change in discourse can also be seen in the political trends of individual states. There are reasons to believe that this is a development that is also perceptible in the political rhetoric that is used in parliamentary debates, which constitute the main focus of this thesis. The aim of this study has therefore been to increase the understanding of this change in migratory policies by analyzing Swedish parliamentary debates between 1975 and 2002, using a theoretical framework focused on two different perspectives on security: First, the Copenhagen School and securitization of migration, and second, human security and human Rights.

The European Union has faced lots of criticisms over the last couple of years when it comes to how refugees are treated in Europe. The Lisbon Treaty states in Article 2 that the European Union is founded on respect for human freedom, dignity and equality. Values such as democracy, rule of law, respect for human Rights and that the Rights of persons belonging to minorities should be respected are also something that the Union should be based on. How is it then that the Roma people, which are Europe's largest minority, are being persecuted all over Europe, that they get deported and have their camps destroyed? Why are refugees from North Africa being sent back before they even have a chance to seek asylum?  In this essay I have examined how the EU are treating refugees and tried to distinguish if there are any differences in how they treat internal and external refugees.

Enligt Grossman och Krueger, finns det ett samband mellan BNP och utsläpp där utsläppen följer en inverterad U-kurva, en så kallad Kuznetskurva. För att undersöka om detta påstående stämmer har historiska data över BNP och koldioxidutsläpp inhämtats från perioden 1860-2000. Syftet med denna uppsats är att med hjälp av kointegrationsanalys undersöka om det finns någon form av samband mellan dessa serier. För att kunna göra detta har villkoren för kointegration redogjorts och undersökts för dessa serier.Resultaten i undersökningen visar att empiriska stöd har erhållits för den hypotetiska Kuznetskurvan. Däremot hittades inte empiriska indikationer för ett linjärt, monotont växande samband.

The aim of this study is to investigate ex-Jehovah's witnesses' experiences with accessibility in relation to sexual and reproductive health. The purpose is to build on the understanding of how closed Christian communities view the power over their own bodies in relation to sexual and reproductive health and Rights (SRHR). The results are examined and analyzed through Foucault's ideas about power. The thesis is built upon an exploratory point of view, where the focus is to examine the experiences of former Jehovah's witnesses. The theoretical framework assumes that there are different types of power relations, specifically in the form of biopower, disciplinary power and governmentality. Through semi-structured interviews, six former members have been interviewed. The results indicate the complex relation between Jehovah's witnesses and several forms of power.

Background/aim: The purpose of this sociological study "Genus in the Child's Best Interest" was to, from the Administrative Court's decree about the child's own behavior, further clarify the concept of the child's best interest by studying how the concept is expressed in decrees with focus on genus.Theory: Three genus theories, to compare girls and boys, Mary John's power theory, the grown ups definition of what the reality is and what it should contain, and a labeling theory, where the people with power are the ones to define what's normal and what's not, have been used to analyze the result in this study.Method: A content analyses was used to analyze the decrees, with the focus on girls and boys between the ages of 12 to 19, where they have been forced into treatment by the law.Result: The concept of a child's best interest does make a difference between girls and boys in the decrees, and the girls have more power because they have more room to express themselves and are less responsible for their thoughts and actions. The concept is possible to use, but the definition is subjective and could be colored by the societies values and norms..

This thesis has the purpose of developing a normative theoretical framework based on different political philosophers and scientists view on deliberative democratic theory, discourse ethics and a modified norm of citizenship. This framework is supposed to contain the ideal communicative situation for people seeking asylum. Hence, the thesis argues that political influence is best practised through communicative Rights, and that people seeking asylum are in title to such Rights. We conclude that the standards needed to be met in order to reach the ideal are: translators, translated information, arenas for- or channels of communication, language education, and deliberative education. Once the framework is established we focus our interest on the Swedish state.

Since the end of the Cold War, foreign aid donors have been using political conditionality to promote human Rights, democracy and good governance in recipient countries. This phenomenon has been analyzed and criticized, but mainly from a strictly empirical point of view. In this paper, the legitimacy of political conditionality is analyzed through a normative perspective based on the extrinsic value of efficiency. If the political conditions don?t result in a democratic development, including respect of human Rights and good governance, they can not be justified.With at theoretical focus on the donors, based on the unequal relationship between donor and recipient, I am examining the donors? possibility and supposed will to use political conditions in development cooperation.