This is a case study of work for gender equality, performed by the Employment and Competence Centre (Arbets- och kompetenscenter) in the municipality of Botkyrka. The aim of the study is to explore how gender equality is understood in the context of a municipality, and what underlying assumptions this understanding is based upon. The questions raised are; How is gender equality understood by the personnel? How do they understand gender? To what extent are women and men seen as homogeneous groups and what differences are (un)visible? What other power hierarchies besides gender are seen as important when working for gender equality? The analysis show that gender equality is a blurry vision, mainly understood in terms of equal conditions and rights, equal results for male and female participants and equal amount of women and men employed. Gender is seen as a binary system and differences between the genders are highlighted.

Syftet med den här studien var att komma till insikt om huruvida Bushadministrationens ageranden kring behandlingen av internerna i det nordamerikanska fånglägret på Kuba kan betraktas vara legala eller inte. Mina analyser visar att USA har brutit mot internationella såväl som nationella lagar. Jag har kommit till denna insikt genom att identifiera de viktigaste handlingarna ? och dess syften ? i anslutning till USAs ageranden och genom att jämföra dessa med internationell rätt och med USAs nationella lagar och avtal. Tre handlingar har stått i fokus; upprättandet av fånglägret på Kuba, med syfte att eliminera fångarnas konstitutionella skydd genom att internera dem utom USAs landsgränser; instiftningen av begreppet "illegal kombattant", med syfte att tillintetgöra internernas krigsfångestatus och därmed det internationellrättsliga skydd som tillfaller krigsfångar genom krigets lagar och; den hårda fysiska och psykiska behandlingen av fångarna, med syfte att erhålla information för att förhindra terrorism. Med en juridisk arbetsmetod har jag således prövat dessa handlingar mot USAs konstitution och mot instiftningen av nya nationella lagar, mot Genèvekonventionerna med dess tilläggsprotokoll och mot FN-konventioner..

Forskning visar att barn har svårt att komma till tals i familjerättsliga processer. Syftet med studien var att undersöka familjerättssekreterares erfarenhet av att tillförsäkra barn rätten att komma till tals och få inflytande i vårdnad-, boende- och umgängesutredningar. Kvalitativa intervjuer genomfördes med åtta familjerättssekreterare och resultatet analyserades med IPA, en fenomenologisk forskningsansats. Familjerättssekreterare upplever att barnsamtal är givande och viktigt, de träffar alla barn i utredningarna och är lyhörda för enskilda barns behov men barns delaktighet varierar till följd av exempelvis kommunikationssvårigheter. Ramar, riktlinjer och förutsättningar för utredningsarbetet försvårar delvis barns delaktighet, barnsamtal efter utredarnas bedömning eller uppföljningssamtal genomförs därför inte i vidare hög grad.

The main aim of this study is to examine the political debate in Sweden around a potentionalcriminalization of buying sex abroad. A second additional aim is to analyze the debate from anintersectional feminist gender perspective, by bringing attention to ideas about gender, ethnicity andpower expressed in the empirical material.The questions at issue are:What are the arguments for and against the potentional criminalization of buying sex abroad andwhich central discursive battles can be discerned throughout the debate?What impact do ideas about gender and power have on the construction of a general advocatediscourse versus a general antagonist discourse?The methodological point of departure is Critical Discourse Analysis, drawing on the theories ofNorman Fairclough, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The empirical material consists of 27articles and editorials publicized in Swedish newspapers between January 2011 and November2014.The result shows that the polemics manifested in the debate are based on different ideas aboutgender, ethnicity and power. A crucial discursive battle stands between human rights andinternational law as a superior principle.

This essay is written in order to expose the construction of collective identity in textbooks for Swedish as a second language. To help visualize the process that shapes and categorize sub-jects based on a relational identity formation I assume mostly from Ernesto Laclau and Chan-tal Mouffe's discourse analysis theory frame. The paper called it as discourse theory. There are two textbooks in Swedish as a second language to be studied. Based on the textual materi-al found in the textbooks I perform a discourse analysis involving mainly focus on relational identity construction.

This paper describes the rules of the Swedish unemployment insurance as regards the demands on the individual, the obligation posed on the individual based on these demands and the considerations taken by the law regarding the specific situation and personal circumstances of the individual. Special attention is paid to the demand to be available to the labour market and what is considered suitable employment from the viewpoint of geographical mobility. This paper treats ?Arbetslinjen? (Everyone able to work, thereby contributing to his/her own and others' support, shall have the opportunity to do so.), and the amendments of ALF, the law (1997:238) about unemployment insurance, that became active between 1/1 2007 and 1/1 2008, since many alterations were introduced in this period.The result illustrates the demands posed on the individual for him/her to be entitled to unemployment benefit, and the far-reaching demands posed on the unemployed for him/her to be considered available to the labour market from the viewpoint of geographical mobility. The result also shows some of the specific situations and personal circumstances of the individual taken into consideration, but since the amendments are as recent as 1.5 years, the list can not be considered complete, as practice is limited in this field.This paper also treats the Official Employment Agency's monitoring function of the unemployed's willingness to work, and the effect of the regulations not being followed as strictly as per the letter of the law by the Employment Agency officers, leading to insecurity regarding the rights of the individual..

[utdrag] Det är mycket svårt att vid en första anblick försöka fånga begreppet legosoldat.Hur vi än väljer att se på legosoldaten och hans verksamhet är det föga troligt att han kommer att försvinna inom den närmsta framtiden och det internationella samfundet blir således tvunget att på något sätt ta ställning till denna verksamhet.Före nationalstatens bildande tävlade andra identiteter än den nationella om företräde och att slåss i någon annans sold var inte förknippat med det landsförräderi det senare skulle komma att innebära. Från kalla krigets slut och framåt har emellertid nationalstaten kommit att utmanas av nya krafter. Globaliseringen har lett till nya forum för transnationella förbindelser och öppnat upp för grupper, organisationer och företag att sprida sig och bredda sina kontaktnät över hela världen. Kan dessa möjligheter erbjuda legosoldaten en ny marknad och nya uppdragsgivare? Om så är fallet hur kan vi hindra, eller alternativt utnyttja, en sådan situation? Om legosoldaten, i form av moderna privata företag, än en gång beträder slagfältet på order av legitima härskare, hur skall vi hantera situationen? Och vem är vi?.

In Sweden there is an integration policy and a policy for national minorities. The integration policy aims to integrate newly arrived immigrants (nyanlända invandrare), whereas the minority policy aims to maintain and strengthen the rights of the national minorities. The national minorities are though, at times, included into the integration policy, even though they hold a minority status in Sweden. This paper aims to, through discourse analysis, investigate the research question: ?how is the content of integration referred to, when it is related to immigrants, contra when it is related to national minorities?.

Schyman?s legs in Let?s Dance as a communication strategy- a case study of ?Feministiskt initiativ? in the election campaign 2010.(Schymans ben i Let?s Dance som kommunikationsstrategi, en fallstudie om Feministiskt initiativ i valkampanjen 2010).Author: Joanna Morell, Tutor: Ann-Marie Morhed2009 was the first time where Swedish political parties were entitled to have TV- commercials, another sign of political communication taking one step closer to the strategic marketing communication. A type of communication that also is expensive.The Swedish political party Feministiskt initiativ (Fi) have existed since 2005 and is not yet a part of the Swedish parliament. They have not been entitled to the economic support that is given to Swedish parties with more than 2,5 percent of the votes in the last two elections. As a result Fi is completely dependent on economic contributions.

The purpose of this study has been to investigate how socialworkers describe their attitudes towards reporting childabuse to the police and if they make different decisions when they believe the violence to be honour related and how they handle these questions. The main questions are; How does socialworkers describe their and their colleagues attitudes towards reporting childabuse to the police and when do they believe they should report? Do they describe honourviolence as a specific kind of violence that should be lifted and in what way does it affect their work? The study is written from a legal sociologist perspective with a qualitative approach. Four socialworkers were interviewed and the interviews were analyzed with an anti-racist theory and with the theory about freedom of action.The conclusions is that the socialworkers mostly report childabuse to the police when the violence is physical. This means that children who describes to be subjected to psychological violence, including honourviolence, has poor legal security.

This text examines the ideological positions, as they appear in texts of central importance, of four Swedish protagonists ? Antipiratbyrån, Konstnärliga och litterära yrkesutövares samarbetsnämnd, Creative Commons i Sverige and Piratbyrån ? in copyright issues. The critical analysis is focusing on three themes ? economy, culture and civic rights and responsibilities ? and poses the questions of how the ideology of the protagonists relates to the changing processes between culture and economy in the society of today, and which interest of classes, understood in Marxist terms, they favour. Before defining the theory and method of the inquiry the authors give their understanding of the changing processes between economy and culture.

Det är nu väl belagt att människorättssituation har försämrats i Ryssland under Putins presidenttid. Människorättsaktivister som blir godtyckligt arresterade, ökad statlig kontroll av de ryska NGO:er och HBT-fientlig lagstiftning som antas i Duman är bara några enstaka exempel på det strängare klimatet kring de mänskliga rättigheterna i landet sedan Vladimir Putin kom till makten år 1999. Uppsatsens utgångpunkt utgörs av Aydinlis teoretiska modell som lägger ett särskilt fokus på begreppen säkerhetisering, hot och konstruktion. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur de nationella eliterna i Putins administration framställer globalisering som ett hot. Analysen genomförs som en kvalitativ diskursanalys av ett tiotal deklarationer av olika aktörer inom den ryska statsförvaltningen under Putins presidentperioder.

This is an interview- and literature study that discusses teaching about the Second World War and the Holocaust, while working with the basic values in grade 7-9.The purpose with this examination is to see how teachers of history in grade 7-9 choose to teach about the Second World War and the Holocaust, how they work to integrate the basic values in their education and whether the teachers? education can be sustained by the Swedish school curricula.In this study I?ve been doing qualitative interviews with five teachers of history in grade 7-9 from different schools. I have also perused the Swedish school curricula and read some literature and studies about different ways of dealing with the subject: the Holocaust.According to the central parts of the Swedish curricula, LGR 2011, the fields about the Holocaust and the 20.century World Wars are to be studied during grade 7-9. All my respondents in the study teach about this think that the most important thing with this complex time in history, is to give the students a deeper understanding for the time leading up to the beginning of the  Second World War in 1939, and why the Holocaust actually took place.Regarding the work with the basic values, all the five respondents agree on the fact that, this subject shall permeate the entire work at school, all the time, every day, but that it?s absolutely essential while studying the Holocaust.

Gendered reading has a history of intense debate and negotiation. In this essay I will examine how feminine and masculine reading was construed in the early 19th century through three Swedish texts that all give a didactic, moral and instructive opinion about gendered reading. They consist of an advice manual, a collection of letters and a periodical featuring an assortment of suitable reading material, all published between the years of 1808-1815 and directed to a female audience. As the male sex was generally considered the invisible, desirable norm and the female sex tended to be viewed as deviant and problematic, gendered discussions are inclined to focus on the latter. I will argue that female reading is largely construed in relation to the bourgeois marriage while the male is construed in terms of citizenship.

This essay seeks to explore which country´s laws should be applied when a dispute concerning damages in non-contractual obligations arises från illegal copying. In Europe today we have merely a few documented laws regarding choice of law concerning illegal copying. Thus, a proposition regarding a regulation which shall control the choice of laws applied on disputes in non-contractual obligations has been prepared. Another main reason for the existence of such a regulation is the need for a united set of laws to enable recognition of other countries´ judgments in Europe. This proposal will be called the Rome II-regulation.