During the last couple of years it has been more important to reduce the driving on the field to prepair the soil after ploughing. The machine costs are high so it is necessary to be effective. To reach a pleasant soilbed directly after ploughing is sometimes possible on easier soils but heavier clay soils always need more tillages. There is a lot of equipment mounted on the ploughs on the market, for example Furrow Cracker and Furrow presses, which makes a pleasant soilbed on easier soils. The last year Överum and Kverneland have presented knives which are mounted on the wing or moulboard.

Över 6000 personer söker till de 900 lediga studieplatserna vid polishögskolan vid varje ansökningstillfälle. Urvalet för att tillsätta dessa platser är således stort. Kritik har dock riktats mot polisens urvalsprocess som har utpekats för inte tillräckligt kunna identifiera och gallra ut olämpliga individer med låg och bristfällig respekt och inställning till andra människor och olikheter. Syftet med föreliggande studie var att undersöka skillnader i fördomar mellan två grupper; sökande till, och studerande vid polishögskolan (N=84) och jämföra dessa med en ickepolisiär kontrollgrupp. Fördomarna mättes med tre moderna fördomsfullhetsskalor; rasism, sexism och fördomar mot homosexuella.

The xenophobic attitudes in Europe are stronger than even. Never before have the member states had as many right-wing parties in action. The aim with this report is therefore to consider whether the Schengen cooperation has had an influence on the development of xenophobia in the member states of EU. The Schengen cooperation became a part of the European Union in 1997, with the aim to abolish the internal border controls for citizens and strengthen the external boarders towards non-members. The intention is furthermore to investigate whether the distance to Schengen ?s external boarder has an impact on the xenophobic attitudes.Three countries are compared: Italy, Netherlands and the United Kingdom.

This thesis aims to study the indirect effects of the Europeanization on national parties and the presence of an established national opposition towards the European Union (EU) and its effects in Sweden, as a result of the so-called conflict of Vaxholm. The questions asked were whether or not it existed an established national opposition towards the EU, and if so, what the opposition consists of substantially. The research method, which was used, is a quantified text analysis on the chamber debates of the Swedish Riksdag and the party congresses of Socialdemokraterna. The study shows that there is an ambivalent opposition towards the EU and its effects in the aftermath of the conflict of Vaxholm.  Socialdemokraterna presented resistance, but did not manage to present apparent alternatives, which left the party with a rather indistinctive opposition. In contrast to the right-wing party, the left-wing party had some profound difficulties in positioning itself in the new and globalized economy. I therefore suggest, that it might be more providing and exhaustive to introduce Azmanova?s ideal-type analysis, which instead of positing parties on a left-right continuum, posit parties after respective party?s opinions concerning the risks or opportunities which the EU and the internal market?s effects. .

How do men who define themselves as feminists create and maintain an identity as men? In this qualitative study four men involved in feminist organizations were interviewed about their views on women, men, sex and feminism. Theories of language, psychoanalysis and ethics were utilized to further our understanding of the material these men produce in their effort to define themselves. Our object of study is the text, which we believe holds the key to understanding how an individual shapes his world and himself. The result is our interpretation of the text and its underlying mechanics.

The aim of this study is to analyze the discourses of activists who work against female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) in Tanzania. The study focus on the discourses that arise during interviews about FGM/C with five activists. To examine this we asked the following questions: What discourses are presented in the interviews? How do these discourses interact together ? are there any discourse conflicts? How do the activists talk about FGM/C in comparison to our western view? The study is based on discourse theory. We also use feminism and postcolonialism as theories in our analyze.

I forskningsprojektet undersöktes hur fem högutbildade utlandsfödda kvinnor har kommit in på arbetsmarknaden och fått ett arbete utifrån sin kompetens. I studien presenteras resultat om hur dessa utlandsfödda kvinnor i egenskap av bland annat ett feministiskt synsätt och utifrån sin egen förmåga har kommit in på arbetsmarknaden. Hinder och framgång som kvinnorna upplever i sin yrkesverksamhet beskrivs i studien. Denna kvalitativa studie genomfördes med e-metodologi, en sammankoppling av den fysiska och den elektroniska världen.  .

The focus of this essay is on the mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion in different feminism rooms. Seven activists taking part in several forms of feminism projects, organisations, networks and demonstrations are interviewed and the essay analyzes whether the participants themselves feel included or excluded in feminism rooms. If they have motives to include or exclude different groups of people are something that is also looked into. Intersectionality and phenomenology are used as an analytical and methodological approach throughout this essay. The results have shown that the participants feel included and excluded due to different intersections of power.

Syftet med den här uppsatsen har varit att analysera innehållet i Belinda Olssons tv-serie Fittstim ? min kamp som sändes i SVT under början av år 2014. Uppsatsen har undersökt vilka relationer och identiteter programmet innehåller för att komma fram till vilken bild av feminismen det är som representeras.Uppsatsen består av en övergripande forskningsfråga: hur representeras feminismen i programmet? Samt underfrågorna: hur ser identiteter, relationer och representationer ut i programmet? Hur går serien tillväga för att svara på programmets huvudfråga ?är feminismen på rätt väg? För att besvara frågeställningarna har en del ur lingvisten Norman Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys används.Den teoretiska ramen uppsatsen bygger på består av teorier kring programgenrer, representation, definition av begreppet feminism, ett postfeministiskt medieinnehåll samt teorier gällande makt och ideologi hämtade från bland annat Fairclough.Tidigare forskning berör medias konstruktion av feminism och representationen av kvinnor i media.Uppsatsens slutsats och diskussion kommer fram till att den feminism som representeras är den som förekommit i mediebruset ? någonting som kan kopplas till Belinda Olsson själv som kallar sig ?media-feminist?. Även det postfeministiska perspektivet är centralt i uppsatsens slutdiskussion eftersom Belinda Olsson som feminist ifrågasätter feminismen i ett program som i sin tur anser sig kartlägga feminismen. Framgår det vad som är subjektiva åsikter och vad som är allmängiltig fakta? Detta är frågor som funnits med under uppsatsens gång.

This essay examines how non-swedish feminist activists look upon the conditions of their work, in relation to the broader context of womens activism in Sweden. It focuses on relationships between feminist activists and their organisations, on issues of cooperation and also on activists definitions of the concept of feminism. Activists from two different non-swedish womens organisations, both located in Stockholm, have been interviewed. Consequenses of intersections of race, class and gender connected to womens activism have been analysed. Through an intersectional analysis the authour tries to answer questions regarding the positions of womens organisations, relationsships between them, definitions of feminism and the possibilities of cooperations - to shed a light on the power relations of womens organisations in Sweden..

Aim: The aim of this study is to describe which messages and by which rhetorical means were communicated in political TV-advertisement in Finland and Sweden. The study also aims to analyze how the rhetorical choices were influenced by the political and social context in these countries.Material: Two TV-commercials from the latest parliamentary elections in each country were chosen. The leading left-wing and right-wing parties were chosen from each country.Theoretical perspective: This study is based on theories on political parties? vote maximization and the development of the modern electoral campaign.Methodology: The method used in this study is rhetorical analysis.Results: All commercials had similar themes and were characterized by a low level of conflict. This is related to the common Nordic context in the two countries.

How do men who define themselves as feminists create and maintain an identity as men? In this qualitative study four men involved in feminist organizations were interviewed about their views on women, men, sex and feminism. Theories of language, psychoanalysis and ethics were utilized to further our understanding of the material these men produce in their effort to define themselves. Our object of study is the text, which we believe holds the key to understanding how an individual shapes his world and himself. The result is our interpretation of the text and its underlying mechanics.

Hur kan ett klädesplagg som betyder ?tillbakadragenhet? väcka så starka känslor? Det här är en etnologisk studie om socialistfeministers normsystem och sociala kategoriseringar. Informanters berättelser om det samhälle de växte upp i och det samhälle de lever i idag, hur det formar och förklarar en föreställning om kvinnan i hijab. Med hjälp av postkolonial diskurs analyseras synen på jämställdhet och frihet. Den föreställda kvinnan i hijab kan inte komma att intervjuvas eftersom hon är just en föreställning.

The purpose of this study is to interogate the tension-laden relationsship between men (of the dominant classes and ethnicities) and feminism. Closely linked to this lies the question of how valid and relevant official Swedish goals of gender equality can be to the Centres for Women´s Studies and Gender Research in Sweden.The essay is mainly an in-depth qualitative study concerned about questions such as; how does feminist researcher in Sweden perceive the question of men in/doing feminism and what are the implications of these perceptions for the Swedish goals of gender equality? Thus, in this study I´ve interviewed six feminist researchers, five women and one male, about their view of men doing/in/and feminism and about the adequacy of equality goals to the Centres for Women´s Studies and Gender Research in Sweden.The main questions I posed in this essay was prompted by the Swedish political scientist Bo Rothstein accusation of two feminist Swedish researchers, Yvonne Hirdman and Maud Eduards, of deliberately harassing men interested in feminist theory and striving to create women-only spaces at the different Centres for Women´s Studies and Gender Research around Sweden. This would according to Rothstein violate the Swedish goals of gender equality where equal representation is essential.However, the empirical material shows a benign attitude towards men doing feminism and the interviewed all stressed the importance of diversity among feminist scholars and students.As for the Swedish goals of gender equality, the interviewed expressed diverse and contradicatatory answers concerning how valid those goals should be to the Centres for Women´s Studies and Gender Research in Sweden.Contrasting the empirical material, my own argument in this essay circles around a critique of the validity of the Swedish goals of gender equality to the Centres for Women´s Studies and Gender Research in Sweden. Seeing men as a group with groupbased experiences, perspectives and interest puts the female dominance at the Centres for Women´s Studies and Gender Research in Sweden in another light, making the absence of men not a question of harassment but a question of male privilege to stay ignorant and indifferent of gender relations..

När SVT i början av 2014 sände programserien Fittstim ­? min kamp med frågeställningen Har feminismen spårat ur? orsakade detta svallvågor av upprörda känslor i så väl traditionella som sociala medier. Många ansåg frågeformuleringen problematisk, då feminismens mål är jämställdhet mellan könen och då Sverige än i dag är långt ifrån att ha uppfyllt de jämställdhetspolitiska målen som riksdagen gemensamt formulerat. Efter en återblick i SVT:s debatthistoria fann vi även liknande frågeställningar som Har jämställdheten gått för långt? och Har jämställdhetsdebatten gått för långt? Detta kan påstås anmärkningsvärt sett till public service-sändningstillstånd och SVT:s uppdrag att verka opartiskt, sakligt och folkbildande.Syftet har därför varit att analysera inramningen av jämställdhet och feminism i debattprogram sända i SVT mellan 1980-talet till 2014, för att se vilka beskrivningar och problemformuleringar som präglat diskursen över tid samt hur dessa i förlängningen kan tänkas påverka tittarnas uppfattning och kunskaper om jämställdhet och feminism.