The aim with this study was to examine what it is that govern the way that municipalities develop the non-institutional care for youth. An extensive development of non-institutional care for children is a visible trend in municipal social service and probable reasons for this development are, among other things, research that show inadequate results of the institution care and economy. Our main questions at issue were how the municipalities argue the priorities that have been done within their youth care services with regard to the non-institutional care and how they reason considering this? Furthermore we asked why the municipalities have chosen to develop their non-institutional care for youth the way they have and on what grounds they make their choices? This study consists of eight qualitative interviews with politicians and employees in four different municipals along with analysis of relevant documents. We have found that what governs the way that municipalities develop the non-institutional care for youth has to do with that the municipalities found it vital to find alternative solutions to the expensive and ineffective institutional care, that they comprehend that the quality of non-institutional care are higher then of the institutional care and that the non- institutional care is seen as more effective with regards to economic results and achieved treatment results.

The purpose of this study was principally to illuminate and describe how the alteration in law (1994:137) about the reception of asylum seekers and others has been implemented at some different authorities in Sweden, according to separated children; children who have fled to Sweden without their parents or other adult guardians. Beside this I want to, as a part, describe how the child perspective looks like at the authorities. The study refers to illuminate and describe the first time for the separated children in Sweden, which means from the arrival and about one year ahead. Qualitative interviews have been used as a method to especially investigate how the subjects of my interview understand their commission according to the separated children, how the practice situation looks like for and according to the separated children in relation to existing laws and instructions and finally how my subjects of interview think about the above mentioned alteration in law (1994:137), which means distribution of responsibility between Swedish authorities.My study showed that there were implementation problems according to the alteration in law (1994:137). The intentions to make it better for the separated children through the law alteration don't work in a good or satisfying way in the practice situation..

I denna uppsats utforskas det narrativa perspektivet som ett möjligt analytiskt grepp för att komma åt maktstrukturer, där erkännandet av identiteter analyseras som en upplevd domän av dominans. Uppsatsen inleds med en utveckling av begreppet diskursiv makt, vilket görs genom användande av Steven Lukes teori om maktens tredje ansikte. Följande därpå diskuteras hur man med hjälp av det narrativa greppet kan förstå makten som reglerar berättandet av jaget. Denna makt ses som påvisad då teman i metanarrativ och framträder som reproducerade i konkreta narrativ. Resonemanget klargörs genom en diskussion om republikanismen som ett metanarrativ, vilket relateras till hur maktutövning genom erkännandet kan ta sig uttryck..

This thesis deals with the concept of soft balancing, traditionally defined as the diplomatic means of restraining a dominant state's ability to exercise its military power. As the dominant power in today's unipolar system, the United States, and other states? behaviour towards it, is the focus of analysis. The aim of this thesis is to explore the possibilities of developing the concept of soft balancing so as to include strategies to restrain also the political and economic capabilities of a dominant power. The thesis also considers the possibilities of soft balancing that small states ? to a large extent overlooked in existing theories on the subject - can possess.As a state with policies that aim to reduce the U.S.

The scope of this investigation is the conditions under which readings of Repulsion (1965), and its depicted mental illness, took place in Sweden during the censorship debates in 1965, and also how the reception was related to narration and subjectivity in the film. The reason for this is the strong reactions to the images of the main character?s inner state, and concerns about negative effects in the public, that were raised. One major concern is how the film articulates discourses through which meanings are produced; that is, how it works as social technology. My thesis is therefore structured around two levels; textual analysis and discourse analysis.

The purpose of this essay was to examine six high school welfare officers' experiences and work with students suffering from social phobia and discuss the welfare officers' view on social phobia from a psychiatric, cognitive and a knowledge theory. The study consists of qualitative interviews with welfare officers from several different high schools and attempts to answer the following questions: What previous experiences do welfare officers have of students with social phobia? How do welfare officers become aware of students with symptoms of social phobia and bring forth their problems? How do welfare officers describe their social work with students suffering from social phobia?The welfare officers' experiences of students with social phobia varied but turned out to be less salient than the amount of research in the area would suggest. The theoretical knowledge also varied, as did the acquiring and use of theory. These findings were then analysed on the basis of Rosmari Eliassons thoughts on knowledge, leading to the conclusion that the interviewed welfare officers do not construct their work on praxis-knowledge.

Due to the political system in Vietnam, all organizations in Vietnam need a permit to operate in the country and consequently, have to balance their mission, their main purpose of being in the country, with the fact that they are dependant on the government to give them the permit they need to stay in the country.With this as our basis, the main focus of this essay has been to identify different types of relations that exist between the Vietnamese state and International Non Governmental Organisations (INGOs) in Vietnam. Since we have interviewed people representing INGOs, our result is based on their experience of this relationship. By using Najam's Four-C's Model, we established that the more traditional INGOs which principally provide services, predominantly have a cooperative relationship with the state, whereas radical INGOs which are committed to policy change, mostly have a relationship which is characterised by conflict..

In this thesis we have tried to show the problems that the categorisation of ?norrlänningar? generates. We have also tried to describe what the stereotypes of ?norrlänningar? are by examining what people say on web logs. The method we have used to find the stereotypes in our empirical material is the discourse analyse.

Our purpose was to investigate if Swedish University educated social workers, living as active Christians, in any way might be influenced by Christian values. The main questions; Can Christian values be a factor in the choice of career to become a social worker? How does a personal belief in Christ impact the relationship towards the clients? Is Christian belief a support in the work? In this paper we used a qualitative method and interviewed eight persons, with a background as above, four of them employed by a church organisation and the other four working in the social sector. The result we present is that the eight Christian social workers Christian belief influenced their work very individually. How much this supported them was a choice about how official and open they wanted Christian values to be.

The focus of this essay is on a political party that was founded in Sweden in 1904. Today, we known it as Moderata Samlingspartiet. Historically, this party has transitioned through multiple phases which have included a change of name and also a change of substance in the area of trade policy. The party that was cheering globalisation at the 2006 congress had its roots in protectionism and had been founded as a strict protectionist organisation. The question raised here is what has caused this dramatic change in the trade politic?In addressing this important question, I have used both organization and party strategy theories to identify the main underlying reasons.

In 1992, the European Union began institutionalizing the cooperation against terrorism within the EU structure. Since then, this cooperation has gone through a number of changes. From a historical institutionalistic point of departure we explain these changes by identifying sources of institutional resilience and institutional change. Based on these results, we were able to pose hypotheses of when and what category of change was most likely to take place.The results show that the cooperation against terrorism within the EU was most likely to remain stable because of strong sources of institutional resilience. If change would occur through an increase in the sources of institutional change, it was most likely to be of a less extensive category.

In this thesis I discuss and analyse the use of violence of Basque radical nationalists after the 11th of September 2001 and the bombing of Madrid the 11th of March 2004. The field study is performed in the Basque country with interviews both on the French and Spanish side of the border with representatives from the Basque Nationalist Liberation Movement (BNLM).After the 11th of September the Spanish government continued its struggle against the countries own terror - ETA. But as the research will show the new political context after the 11/9 made it possible for the state to intensify the labelling of groups from the BNLM as terrorist organisations and thereby putting its members and leaders in prison for terrorism. My research shows that this social change may lead to a mobilisation of activists inside ETA, which in turn might create a continuity of the group's use of violence. The scenario is though challenged by an other setting in which the political situation after the 11/9 have made use of violence by militant groups like ETA illegitimate and irrational as a consequence of the mental trauma among the people of the western world.

This thesis is a study of social movements and their possibilities to effect politics by infuencing values in society through framing. I've looked upon social movements from a functionalistic-structuralistic perspective, as if they were carriers of values from people that otherwise won't be represented in the political life. The values that the social movements are struggling for can affect both the opinion and the decision-makers since the social movements in an active way are trying ti influence the society. The thesis examines the political opportunities that social movements hav to mobilise and grow. I have looked at different factors that either improve or make the political opportunities worse.

This study focuses on an analysis of three text books in English, Prime Time, Second Time, and Third Time, written for Swedish pupils between grade seven and nine. The main focus of the study is to investigate to what extent the books may be considered to follow the steering principles of the Swedish education system. The theoretical backbone of the essay is centred on the construction and maintenance of stereotypes, and is written from a social constructivist point of view. In this context, I also reason around power relations and norms in the Western society ? arguments which I, in the main analysis, apply to the books in question.

Konkurrens av privata aktörer på skolområdet verkar inte leda till ökad effektivitet, snarare tvärt om. Effekten på medelbetyg verkar vara marginell, samtidigt som de elever i en kommun som redan har svaga resultat drabbas negativt, och effekten i det sambandet kan växa över tid. De elever som drabbas behöver inte vara samma som går i friskolorna. Friskolor ser ut att ha en kostnadsdrivande effekt. Inom den teori som kallas New Public Management antar man att marknadens strukturer kan föras över på den offentliga förvaltningen, men det verkar inte stämma på skolområdet.