I riksdagsvalet 2006 fick Sverige en ny regering med borgerligt styre. Förslag som utlovades i valrörelsen, särskilt från folkpartiet, som rör grundskolans senare år var bland annat att man vill införa betyg tidigare, använda sig av ett ordningsomdöme och att den ogiltiga frånvaron ska synas i betyget.Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka vad lärare och elever tycker om dessa förslag. Metoden som jag använt mig av har varit en enkätundersökning som genomförts i tre sjätteklasser och tre sjundeklasser samt att intervjua fyra lärare som tjänstgjort olika länge på grundskolans senare år. Resultatet visar att antalet elever är jämnt fördelade om de vill ha betyg tidigare eller inte medan två av tre elever vill att ett ordningsomdöme ska införas och att skolk ska synas i betyget. Någon större skillnad mellan årskurserna och mellan pojkar och flickor kunde ej uppmätas.

Since the 1980's economic policies has become an important issue in municipalities and more resources are put into projects that are intended to have a positive influence on the local economic growth. From a theoretical perspective of regime theory and a model of local political economy, concerning the strategies chosen by the actors involved designed by Jon Pierre, the discussion points to the fact that it is possible to affect the local development. The municipalities discussed and compared in this thesis, Bromölla and Östra Göinge, have similar prerequisite for growth mainly due to their dependence to large industrial companies.In order to fulfill the aim of the thesis and examine the change in economic policies over time and between the two municipalities a comparative method is used. The creation of local governing coalitions is emphasized which makes efforts and intentions of individual actors crucial for the success of the local economic policies. Bromölla started their more active efforts in the area of economic policies earlier than Östra Göinge and has also come a bit further in the process.

Under mina praktikperioder, VFU-perioder, ute på olika skolor har jag observerat att de flesta elever inte har tekniskt självförtroende om de redskap de använder i textilslöjden. Med tekniskt självförtroende menas att man har tillräckligt med teknisk kunskap så man kan hantera redskapet. Med detta arbete ville jag få en insikt i hur mycket teknisk undervisning eleverna får i samband med textilundervisningen. Jag tror att skolan inte är könsneutral utan spär på könsrollerna genom att inte ha så mycket teknisk undervisning i textilslöjden. Jag tror att många har ett könsbundet förhållningssätt till teknik som ett ämne för pojkar och textilslöjd som ett ämne för flickor.

ABSTRACTThis thesis focuses on the OPEC oil crisis of 1973 and its impact on the Scandinavian countries of Sweden and Denmark. Starting from Walter Carlsnaes theory of energy vulnerability, the concepts of vulnerability and national security are tested on the selected cases and an array of policy alternatives are assessed. Posited available options like oil stockpiling, conservation, renewable energy and international coordination are evaluated as means for ameliorating the vulnerability of the nations. The theory chosen is further expounded with a consensus element to reinforce its explanatory power. The thesis utilizes a wide range of material from parliamentary records to daily newspapers in an attempt to shed some light on the interplay between economics and politics.Sweden and Denmark evince diverging developments despite their common starting point with exceptionally high oil dependencies and can be located on different ends of the energy policy gamut.

AbstractThe aim of this essay is to analyse what roll repression has had in the making of my unpublished collection of poems entitled Hopp som i hare. I examine how the autobiographical subject abortion has influenced the writing process and the outcome of the poems. By presenting literature that?s been important in the making of the collection I show some thoughts and ideas about Post Abortion Stress Disorder, a diagnosis without scientific grounds. In a discussion I go through the whole writing process from subject and genre choice through the revisions till the final version that were sent to be commented by the class in creative writing at Växjö University 2008.

When are aerial bombing strategies effective in coercing target states? According to the recent research debate there is a consensus that denial strategies may be an effective instrument for coercing states to change their politics. This study is based on Belkin?s theory which argues that the effectiveness of denial strategies may depend in part on the domestic legitimacy of the target states? regimes. From a political standpoint, aerial denial effectiveness can be considered more likely to coerce when political leaders of target states lack domestic legitimacy rather than when they are legitimate.   The purpose of this study is to contribute an explanation of a condition where denial strategies are more likely to succeed.

This thesis examines the reasons behind the Swedish migration policy reform which led to a replacement of the Aliens Appeal Board by the Migration Court. This introduced a two-party procedure, oral hearings and enhanced transparency. It was designed to guarantee the rule of law and to thwart political arbitrariness.The transfer of power from representative institutions to judiciaries is referred to as judicialization, and the Migration Courts may be considered a typical example of this phenomenon. However, this can be questioned. The straggling nature of the term implies everything and anything unless cautiously defined.

The Swedish metropolitan politics have had the bottom-up perspective as a major principle to evolve the democratic participation in segregated areas. My objective was to investigate if a bottom-up perspective has been used as a method of evaluation in a sample of 10 evaluation reports made about democratic participation in Malmö.The key questions were; In the evaluations:- How was the bottom-up perspective and related concepts defined?- What criterias and theories were used?- What values surfaced?- What methods were used?- Has a critical approach been used?The method used is analysis using the theories of Critical Social Method by Alvesson & Deetz, Values in evaluation by House & Howe and Choices of perspective by Eliasson.None of the analysed evaluations have used participatorial methods. As participation is defined mainly statistically, the criterias are usually quantitative measurements, though the evaluators agree that democracy is a matter of quality. There is a common lack of theoretical basis of analysis and methodology description.

In this essay I have studied the Swedish Working Class whose part of LO.Ideological texts in LO- Magazines is used to quote texts by collective orindividual terms. Method and theory material show high level of solidarity andequality while theory shows higher level of individualism and autonomy. Myresearch is closer to Boréus than Blocks. Politics taking under the 1980: s apowerful right turns holding a steady course through my material.The question in the essay is: What vision on the collective shows in theLO- Magazine in a time during individualization? Answer to this question is thatthe collective unofficially through LO: s: staff on central level tries to showstrength and unity with terms like solidarity and equality between the sexes.

This essay is a case study based on two sources of empirical data, qualitative interviews and responses from a questionnaire, which examines upper secondary school students? attitudes to history teaching in a museum context. The students? answers are further analyzed in relation to the concept of historical consciousness. Thus, history teaching in the museum, from a student perspective, and the students? capacity of expressing a historical consciousness in their answers, constitute the core of this essay.

Studiens syfte är att söka få en utökad kunskap och förståelse för dövblindas upplevelser av sina villkor till högre utbildning och möjligheter till ett pedagogiskt samspel med utbildningspersonal. Det är en kvalitativ studie som bygger på intervjuer med dövblinda respondenter. Intervjuerna har utförts via E-post eftersom det hade blivit allt för tidskrävande och kostsamt med resor till respondenternas hemorter och hjälp från taktiltolk. Respondenterna var från början fem personer med handikappet dövblindhet av olika kön, tyvärr föll två personer ifrån av olika anledningar. Ett hermeneutiskt vetenskapligt perspektiv har använts eftersom detta betonar betydelsen av tolkning och förståelse.

In Jan Jagers and Stefaan Walgrave theory about populism as a political communication-style they claim that one can find this in the rhetoric of political parties. In their study of Belgian politics they found that the extreme-right party Vlaams Block has embraced this populism to a larger extent than other parties. Based on this theory this thesis aims at finding populism as a communication-style in three different Swedish political parties with the purpose to see if the extreme-right party ?The Sweden Democrats? will show populism to a larger extent than other parties, as was the case in the Belgian study.Based on Jagers and Walgraves operational definition of populism as a political communication-style this thesis applies it to the rhetoric of three different parties being ?The Social Democratic Party?, ?The Moderate Party? and ?The Sweden Democrats?. This is done in order to be able to clarify on the one hand if their theory is applicable to the Swedish case and on the other hand to what extent populism as a communication-style exists in Swedish political rhetoric.The method for this thesis has been a qualitative text analysis since and leads to the result that Jagers and Walgraves theory of populism as a communication-style is applicable to the Swedish case and that ?The Sweden Democrats? to a larger extent uses this political communication style, than the two other parties..

When a leader changes to a new post in another kind of organisational culture, what happens then? Could a leader use the same kind of leadership when leading different kinds of groups? Different cultures have different needs and ways to handle things and in the end it all comes to situational leadership. Both leaders and theorists claim that the leader must adjust to what the organisation and its members needs. This paper contains an inquiry of how officers have handled their new assignments as leaders in the civilian world of the municipality. The research shows that a former military leader must also be able to lead another kind of group if they change to a civilian career.

Varulager har dragit till sig många ekonomers intresse med utgångspunkt från dess säregna karaktär och egenskaper utifrån värderingssynpunkt. Det har visat sig vara svårt att ena sig om vilken värderingsprincip som på ett rättvisande sätt tar hänsyn till både den balans- och resultatmässiga aspekten beträffande den inverkan denna post har på företagets resultat och ställning. När ett företag försätts i konkurs uppstår en ny värderingsproblematik för tillgångarna, däribland varulager. Nu handlar det om att omsätta tillgångar till likvida medel för att ersätta borgenärerna. Syftet med vårt arbete är att öka förståelsen kring de svårigheter som föreligger vid varulagervärdering före och efter konkurs.

This essay deals with Swedish unemployment politics during the period 1918-1932, and can be seen as a contribution to earlier research of how the policies, established by the State Unemployment Commission, was carried out at a local level. This study bears upon  Uddevalla municipality, a town in the southwestern part of Sweden, which had about 13,700 inhabitants in 1920.The research was conducted in Uddevalla municipality archives, and the sources used are above all municipal records and documents from the local unemployment committee. The measures taken by the local committee to reduce the effects of unemployment have then been compared with the directives of the State Unemployment Commission.The survey shows that the local unemployment committee, at least during the first half of the 1920s, was very keen to follow the directives of the State Unemployment Commission, and they also tried to charge the municipality's economy as little as possible. The local policy was often even more restrictive than the demands from the State Unemployment Commission. During a few years in the middle of the 1920s, when the unemployment was relatively low, most of the unemployed did not recieve any help at all.The restrictive policy, however, led to an increasing distress among the unemployed, and the poor relief had to give financial help to a lot of unemployed and their families.