This thesis explores the relationship between the Swedish autonomous left and the terrace culture of European football. It has its geographic starting point in Stockholm, Sweden and follows the three larges tStock­holm football clubs, AIK, Djurgården and Hammarby, and its supporters. The author has followed the football club Hammarby from the terrace for the entire 2011 football season, and has interviewed six Political activists who visit, or used to visit, the terrace. The research context this study is incorporated into centres around the history of, and relationship between, the terrace cultures of AIK, Djurgården and Hammarby. Previous research has also focused on the radical potential of Ultras terrace culture (which is derived from Italian supporter culture) and the terrace culture from an intersectional perspective.

The study is a qualitative textual analysis comparing how two newspapers fromSmåland reacted to Nazi Germany during the interwar period. The purpose of the studyis to illustrate how newspapers' Political orientation may influence its content. Theexamined material is limited to letters to the editor, editorials and columns. The twopapers are of different Political orientations, Smålänningen is bourgeois andKronobergaren is social democratic. The theoretical basis is founded in Klas Åmarksperspective on Sweden's position in the war, the so-called small state realistic paradigmand the moral perspective, as well all Kosellecks theory about the written word.

This study investigates communication and data in information systems. The paper deals, more specificly, with communication in a CRM-system implemented in a Swedish-founded company in Beijing, China. It discusses cultural, Political, linguistic and gender based dilemmas that can arise from the use of a CRM-system in an international and bilingual environment. Fifty-nine interviews were conducted in Sweden and in China, either in Swedish or English. The result of this study shows that communication in the information system is affected by factors, that are not originated in technical shortcomings of the system, but rather from cultural, Political, linguistic and gender based pre-knowledge among individuals.

Den här uppsatsen mål är att undersöka om ekonomiska sanktioner är ett försvarbart utrikespolitiskt medel. Sanktioners effektivitet utreds genom en kvantitativ studie av sanktioner utfärdade av FN och en kvalitativ studie av fallet Sydafrika. Uppsatsen konstaterar att ekonomiska sanktioner är ineffektiva och kostsamma och går därefter över till att diskutera dem i normativ analys och försöker sedan utreda vilka fördelar som kan identifieras och erbjuder konstruktiv kritik av ekonomiska sanktioner. En positiv faktor som identifieras är den psykologiska påverkan som sanktioner har på en inhemsk motståndrörelse för att visa omvärldens stöd. Slutligen konstateras att smarta sanktioner och vapenembargon kan vara komplimenterande åtgärder, men inte uppfyller sina mål utan hård bevakning..

This thesis aims at investigating the conflict development of Swedish foreign policy debates during 1989-2000. It is rather assumed that the Swedish foreign policy debates have been highly characterized by a large consensus. Despite that, there have been certain occurrences where the Political parties have flushed into party struggle and shown disagreements over the party frontiers. This has raised questions about the range of conflict and consensus in such debates where I have studied the Political parties' backchats. I have studied situations where the Political parties replicate each other in order to investigate the range of consensus and controversy that exists within different foreign policy areas.

The aftermath of colonization, culture diversity and the recognition of the ownidentity - living in a country which has the role of a former colonizer has got consequences in the multicultural French society. These consequences can be seen studying the politics, the education and the history of that country. In this bachelorthesis I discuss the aftermath of French colonization with a focus on how the French cultural identity can be explained in defining colonialism in French lawmaking. The aim is to understand the definition of the own cultural identity from a postcolonial perspective and what meaning the multicultural society has for this definition. This is an issue which can be seen in politics as well as ineveryday life, and to make an understanding of it, I study how French politicians are representing their country's role as a former colonizer in a postcolonial era.

This paper examines whether membership in the European Union has contributed to democratic stability and integration in an ethnic diverse society. By studying the Latvian multicultural society, before and after membership in the EU, the author is looking for evidence of enhanced ethnic stability in the country brought through European integration. The author will analyze what the consequences have been, by adopting European regional policy, for a country that yet has to create a unified national identity. By analyzing different areas of the Latvian society, the author has concluded that the EU has played a small but yet not insignificant role for the Latvian domestic integration process..

I denna uppsats försöker jag utreda Bushadministrationens motiv bakom Irakkriget 2003. Detta gör jag med hjälp av motivanalysen där jag testar aktörens motiveringar, så kallade motivindikatorer bakom det militära intrånget i Irak. Motiveringarna kan återfinnas i bl.a. offentliga tal men de måste utsättas för ett antal tester med avsikt att framställa de bakomliggande motiven. Genom att exempelvis mäta korrespondensen mellan utsaga och handling kommer jag ett steg närmare de gripbara motiven.

Abstract Mona Sahlin's dishwasher decides the election! Maybe. How journalism portraits politics is at least not fully objective with focus on societal matters. There is also a change over time indicating an up-going trend of less objective journalism. Other results of this case study indicates that politicians are more inclined to participate in journalism than before and that politics presented as scandal is increasing.The aim of this study is to investigate objectivity in Political journalism over time. Using the quantitative content-analyses the study encoded 600 journalistic articles subjecting politics in the Swedish society.

This thesis is dedicated to analysing the relationship between Islam and democracy and the role played by Civil Society in a process towards democracy. This theme is further elaborated through a comprehensive study of three modern Muslim intellectuals: Abdolkarim Soroush (Iran), Hasan Hanafi (Egypt), and Tariq Ramadan (Switzerland), and their thoughts about and views on Islam and democracy. Islam has often been portrayed in a stereotype manner where all forms of change are seen as impossible. The aim of this study is to go beyond this vision and instead focus one the role of Islam in processes of development and new forms of interpretation concerning democracy.The thesis is divided into three parts. The first part deals with the relationship between Islam and democracy.

The purpose of this Master thesis is to increase the knowledge about how public libraries can contribute to fulfil Political programmes aimed towards integration. To achieve this we have conducted an evaluative case study about a public library in Sweden and the activities they carried out within the framework of the metropolitan policy programme Storstadssatsningen?. The questions raised consider which the Political aims for integration within this programme were, which activities the library did accomplish, what the result in comparison with the Politically decided aims was, and what conclusions can possibly be drawn from this? The theoretical framework consists of theories regarding evaluation, Political programmes, integration and segregation, and public library-activities.

The purpose with this essay is to investigate Swedish Political parties who have had or has a restrictive immigration policy containing opinions, that can be classified as xenophobic, and their history and development as a party. The focus in this essay is centred on the politicization that the parties Ny demokrati and Sverigedemokraterna have gone through and the mobilization they have reached. The material that will be handled in this matter are mainly the parties? Political programs that have been published in various forms, but these will be supplemented with secondary sources in the form of previous research, reviews by journalists and other literature. The result have shown that the development from 1970 ? 1980´s to today considering these type of organizations is that they have changed in their appearance, in the matter of how they convey their message, and the actual appearance of the party members more than the message itself.

This case study is an attempt to give empirical support to Georgio Agambens theory, regarding how the exceptions from the constitutional order should be regarded as a constant element in modern societies. The purpose was to investigate if Agambens theory is valid in the Swedish context. The exception, as definied by Agamben, is a reappearing phenomenon, which implies that the constitutional order is fragile. Individuals and groups are transferred into ?homo sacers?, meaning people that is to be regarded as legally naked, and offset from the rest of society.What then is it that make the legal norms fragile? In this thesis I will discuss the causality of moral panic.

Ändamålet med denna uppsats är att ta reda på vilka värden som svensk säkerhetspolitik grundar sig på samt att se om det existerar en konflikt mellan försvarsberedningen och Försvarsmakten. Detta allt utifrån en idéanalys av försvarsberedningen och Försvarsmaktens offentliga tryck. Bakgrunden till detta är den diskussion som uppstått i medierna kring Försvarsmakten. I medierna har vi kunnat ta del av information som berättar om ett försvar som döms ut i interna rapporter och där det talas om en identitetskris. Men också om hur Försvarsmakten idag är långt ifrån regeringens satta beslut.

This comparative case study, which is based on a most similar system design,investigates why the Chávez government has attained a lower degree of democracy than the Kirchner and the Lula governments. In order to develop asupplementary theory about why governments in general achieve various degrees of democracy I compare these governments and examine what policies that differ them and why. My results show that these governments? policies differ concerning the rule of law, militarization, and negotiations with economic groups and anti-regime parts of civil society. I have found numerous answers to why some of these governments (and governments in general) have democratic policies within these four areas and why some do not.