In this examination project I look into what ways upper secondary school students conceive themselves as politically influenced before they voted for the general election of 2010. The purpose is to examine which influences the upper secondary school surroundings and the classes of civic education are contributing with to students before they voted. As a method, I have used personal, semi-structural interviews on eight upper secondary school students who all voted for a party represented in the parliament. I have asked questions about how they believe their parents, the surroundings of their school and the classes of civic education have influenced them. To separate which influences primarily the upper secondary school and the classes of civic educations have had on the students, I have selected two comparison groups of four students in each.

Långvarigt styre av ett och samma parti är skadligt för det politiska samtalet, även på en mycket lokal nivå. Den slutsatsen kan dras efter en jämförelse av den politiska diskussionen i tre skånska kommuner, Vellinge, Lomma och Osby. I såväl en kvantitativ textanalys av lokaltidningarna, tidsmätningar av kommunfullmäktige¬mötena och intervjuer med fritidspolitiker framträder samma mönster, där Osby kommun (med skiftande majoritet i de senaste fem valen) har ett mer livaktigt politiskt samtal, medan det moderatdominerade Vellinge haft betydligt mindre diskussion.Slutsatsen stärks ytterligare av att resultaten inte upprepas när samma mätningar görs 1985, då de tre kommunerna haft likartade majoritetsställningar i föregående val..

The aim of this essay is to analyze how students are constituted as subjects in local curricula. The theoretical perspective is grounded in Michel Foucault?s notion of governmentality and power/knowledge and his critique of a sovereign subject. From this theoretical perspective I use Foucault?s concept of formation of objects and Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe?s idea of subject positioning as tools for a discourse analysis.

I denna beskrivande studie undersöks vilka möjligheter de politiska sekreterarna i Region Skåne har att utöva politiskt inflytande. För att undersöka detta har vi utgått från tre maktforum. Information och bakgrundsmaterial har främst inhämtas genom samtalsintervjuer och en enkätundersökning. De politiska sekreterarna som intervjuats kommer från Folkpartiet, Miljöpartiet, Socialdemokraterna ochVänsterpartiet. Detta för att visa hur det politiska inflytande skiljer sig mellan oppositions- och majoritetspartier.

Discussions of structural racism has now moved to the forefront of the Swedish society, and many researchers have sought to understand what form it takes, how it is manifested, how it is exploited and challenged. At the core of this debate we find the media, and its logic embedded with mechanisms of simplification and polarization.Media is our key source of knowledge and information, why it also affects our norms, beliefs and preconceptions. Media thus has the power to mediate, amplify or challenge how we conceptualize the world, and subsequently our (unconscious) racist beliefs.To investigate how media content is influenced by underlying colonial or racist assumptions and stereotypes thus becomes a way to investigate our understanding of reality.In accordance with postcolonial thought, structural and symbolic racism is embedded in language and hidden in images, and surface in the form of domination and feminization, and the portrayal of the subaltern ?Other? as passive and irrational.This paper thus departs from postcolonial theory and media logic to undercover hidden patterns of structural, symbolic and historically contingent racism in one of Sweden?s most prominent in-depth foreign TV-magazines, namely Korrespondenterna.Adopting Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this paper explores to what extent racist and colonial stereotypes are reproduced and/or challenged in Korrespondenterna?s representation of Sub-Saharan Africa.In line with postcolonial theory it is found that historically contingent racialized stereotypes are prevalent in Korrespondenterna, and that tendencies of portraying Africa and Africans as passive, feminine and irrational are prevailing.It is thus argued that media logic, imbedded with mechanisms of simplification, polarization and intensification, contributes to the use of colonial stereotypes in media, and thus to the mediation of structural and symbolic racism..

Title: If you can not be seen - You do not exist: A quantitative study of how gender and other socialfactors affect the degree of visibility in the Swedish newscasts of Aktuellt and Rapport. (Syns duinte ? finns du inte: En kvantitativ studie om inverkan av kön och andra sociala aspekter påmänniskors synlighet i Aktuellt och Rapport).Number of pages: 46Author: Helena HuhtaTutor: Martin FredrikssonCourse: Media and Communication Science CPeriod: Autumn of 2009University: Division of Informatics and Media, Uppsala UniversityPurpose/Aim: The aim of this study has been to investigate to what degree women and menparticipate in the newscasts of Aktuellt and Rapport, broadcast on the Swedish public servicechannels of SVT 1 and SVT 2. Furthermore, I have also looked into how social identities, such asage and ethnicity, affect the degree of representation for each gender, respectively. Some of thebasic research questions comprise: 1.

Taiwan räknas idag inte som en stat, har ingen plats i FN, och territoriet efterfrågas av Kina. Hur ser möjligheterna ut för en lösning av problematiken mellan Kina och Taiwan? En problematik som dessutom har en lång historia och vars grund främst står att finna i revolutionen 1949 i Kina. Framförallt Peter Wallensteens teorier om uppskjutande till framtiden och förändrade positioner, som konfliktlösningsmekanismer anses vara relevant. Den ökande globaliseringen och interdependensen samt det omfattande ekonomiska utbytet mellan aktörerna i vårt fall är också relevanta faktorer för utvecklingen.

The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights is probably the world's most known andinternationally most respected document. The purpose of this study is to examine if the UDHRreflects universal values and norms and to assess its moral and juridical relevance today, 60 yearsafter the adoption. The literature used in this literature-based critical study is mainly written bythe academic elite of the discourse on Human Rights. By comparing these sources I have reachedthe conclusion that the UDHR is still today an important document because of its continuinginfluence on international lawmaking and because of the encouragement and aspirations tomankind in the never-ending struggle for the rights it represents..

This is an essay about the political development of Iraq after the overthrow of the Baath regime by the coalition forces in 2003. Almost seven years later, the political scene is still characterised by chaos, even though the country entered a new phase with the adoption of democratic thinking and a new openness to the world. The unstable political situation is a product of inter-ethnic conflict and the interference by neighbouring countries. Iraq is up against two formidable tasks ? building democracy and building a nation.

This essay is about North Korea, Kim Jong Il and how the future looks for the states political system. The purpose is to explain how Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regim rules the state and with help of Machiavellis theory about the Prince, tell about the states future. The essayinvestigates how well Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regime are keeping their power overthe state and if their possibilities to continue in the same way are good or bad. The essayinvestigates North Koreas possibilities for further reign through Niccolo Machiavellis theory.The argument is that the North Korean state and Kim Jong Il have few or noneconditions to continue with the same political system that the state in this time have.The result shows that, through a Machiavellian perspective, Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regime have bad conditions to continue ruling the state in same way as now. The investigation, unfortunately, do not show when and how North Korea will be exposed to a government switch , but the result points to a change..

This essay is about North Korea, Kim Jong Il and how the future looks for the states political system. The purpose is to explain how Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regim rules the state and with help of Machiavellis theory about the Prince, tell about the states future. The essayinvestigates how well Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regime are keeping their power overthe state and if their possibilities to continue in the same way are good or bad. The essayinvestigates North Koreas possibilities for further reign through Niccolo Machiavellis theory.The argument is that the North Korean state and Kim Jong Il have few or noneconditions to continue with the same political system that the state in this time have.The result shows that, through a Machiavellian perspective, Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regime have bad conditions to continue ruling the state in same way as now. The investigation, unfortunately, do not show when and how North Korea will be exposed to a government switch , but the result points to a change..

Den 11:e sptember 2001 inträffade västvärldens i särklass värsta terror dåd på Manhattan i New York. I samma ögonblick som det första planet plöjde in i ett av World Trade Centers torn började in process mot ett fullskaligt krig mellan USA och Terrorismen. I denna process har vi skiljt ut två personer och tre beslut som vi anser i hög grad har påverkat det efterföljande kriget. George W. Bush och Donald rumsfeld har i vår mening satt tydliga spår på den fortsatta utvecklingen.

Since the nineteen-fifties, the American political scientist Robert Dahl (born in 1915) has been one of the most prominent democracy theorists in the world. In the book Politics, Economics, and Welfare, he and his colleague Charles E. Lindblom in 1953 introduced the notion of polyarchy as a denomination for the incomplete democracies of the Western world. Linguistically speaking, this notion was formed in connection with the ones already existing in the philosopher Aristotle's (384-322 B.C.) comparative teachings on government. Later, it has become apparent that the notion of polyarchy has already been in use by other authors, such as Johannes Althusius (1614) and Sir Ernest Barker (1947).Robert Dahl has been active at Yale University (in New Haven, Connecticut, USA), and is regarded as one of the foremost representatives of the political-science discipline known as pluralism.

För att kunna ge en djupare förståelse för jämställdhetsfrågan i läromedel samt hur detta kanpåverka elever och lärare innehåller den här uppsatsen en genusanalys av Good Stuff (2002)och Wings (2008), två av de vanligaste läromedlen i engelska för svenska elever i årskurs 7.Böckerna har analyserats utifrån tre aspekter: representation av män, kvinnor ochtranspersoner, adjektiva beskrivningar av manliga och kvinnliga karaktärer samt manliga ochkvinnliga karaktärers sysselsättningar. Gällande representationen kunde urskiljas att bådaböckerna hade en ojämlik fördelning av manliga och kvinnliga karaktärer där samma resultatäven kunde urskiljas i antal kända män och kvinnor benämnda i böckerna. Genom attklassificera adjektiv i de två läromedlen visade Good Stuff större skillnad i manliga ochkvinnliga beskrivningar än vad Wings gjorde. Genomgående kunde analysen visa attkvinnliga karaktärer oftare beskrivs med adjektiv betecknande skönhet än de manligakaraktärerna, medan manliga karaktärer oftast beskrevs med adjektiv betecknande mentalkapacitet och situation. Gällande de sysselsättningar som karaktärerna ägnar sig åt i respektivebok stämmer analysresultatet i stor del överens med de stereotypa bilderna av sysselsättningarsom tidigare forskning kunnat urskilja.

AbstractDet övergripande syftet med uppsatsen är att förstå varför det förekommit problem med färdtjänsten i Lund sedan seklets början. Vi undersöker dels vad det innebär att styra färdtjänsten med kontrakt och dels beställarkompetensen hos tekniska förvaltningen i Lund. Våra resultat visar på att styrformen i sig inte behöver orsaka problem, men att det troligen spelar in i detta fall eftersom förvaltningen inte haft tillräcklig beställarkompetens för att minska vissa transaktionskostnader av kontraktsstyrningen. Det finns även vissa indikationer på att utvecklingen av förtroende mellan aktörerna missgynnats av turbulensen under de första åren på seklet. Förvaltningen rekommenderas utveckla en mer omfattande beställandekompetens genom systematiska utvärderingar..