I have studied how network in a broad sense can affect decision-making. The primary purpose is to see if the political initiative somewhere disappears when it comes to understand the relations between power, actors and politics. The study discuss in a theoretical area that concerns the reliability in neoinstitutionalism to use as an analytical instrument. Some criticism is given to the theoretical standpoint in the sense that there is no power perspective included in the theory. I include a discussion about a concept of power, which I include to the theory.

Aim: The aim for this study of Swedish daily press is to see how the musical reporting is structured for the newspapers I have chosen to analyse. My main purpose is to investigate how the newspapers reporting are distributed between artists who belong to either a major record company or an independent record company. With this research I want to find out if there are any economic backgrounds to the content and if the reporting is equal to the market production.Method/Material: For this study I have studied, by quantitative research, every piece of musical reporting in seven daily newspapers for two weeks. Through thorough research I have determined the belonging of every article?s record company.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka den kvinnliga representationen i Kalmar läns landskommuners kommunalfullmäktige från 1938 till kommunsammanslagningen 1951. Detta innefattar att söka en översikt över i vilken grad kvinnor är representerade i länets kommunalfullmäktigeförsamlingaroch att undersöka hur dessa kvinnliga ledamöter syns i protokollsmaterial i ett par kommuners fullmäktigeprotokoll. Södra Möckelby och Vickleby kommuner med relativt hög andel kvinnliga ledamöter har valts som exempel.Undersökningen av valstatistiken visar en ökning i både antal kvinnor och antal kommunalfullmäktige med kvinnlig representation under perioden. Länet ligger under riksgenomsnittet, men ökningen är ungefär densamma i relativa termer. Närläsningen av protokoll visar att kvinnor främst omnämns vid frånvaro, vid val till olika uppdrag eller vid uppföljning av dessa val.

This is a study about the relation between the Swedish school and the political system of Sweden. I wanted to see if the relation had changed since the election of 2010 as it was in that election the Sweden Democrats got over five percent of the votes and took seat in the Swedish parliament. The thing that is unique about this election is that it was really the first time a right-wing party had been elected into the Swedish parliament. Many experts argue that this is the first xenophobic party that has been elected into the Swedish parliament. This led to a problem for schools and their principals and a difficult question to answer because xenophobia is contrary to the school?s core values and the school?s democratic mission.Should the school still be open for political parties? How do schools manage to distinguish between political information and political propaganda? If parties still are welcome into the schools, which parties should be allowed? The equality ombudsman has said in a report that the schools have to comply with the principle of objectivity, which stipulates that the public sector has to be unbiased.I have chosen to make use of a qualitative method because I think the study then gets a deeper understanding of the topic.

In the 1920s the law against vagrancy had been unaltered since it?s introduction in 1885. During that period, Sweden had undergone great social and political transformation in the wake of industrialisation, urbanisation and democratisation. The political landscape had changed and the social sciences were organising knowledge in new ways. The public opinion realised the need for a review of the vagrant law that better corresponded to the modern times.

Detta examensarbete behandlar dynamiska vindkraftmodeller i simuleringsprogrammet Power System Simulator for Engineering (PSS/E) som används av Svenska Kraftnät vid analyser av det svenska stamnätet. Syftet med examensarbetet har varit att förenkla Svenska Kraftnäts hantering av vindkraftmodeller vid olika analyser av nya vindkraftparker som ska kopplas in på stamnätet. Detta gjordes genom att undersöka om dagens modellering av vindkraft, bestående av negativa laster och tillverkarspecifika vindkraftmodeller, kan ersättas av en generisk representation med de modeller som finns inbyggda i PSS/E. Rapporten ger en teoretisk beskrivning av vilka tekniker som används i vindkraften idag och hur de vindkraftmodeller som används i PSS/E är utformade. För de inbyggda modellerna i PSS/E har både vindkraftverk med dubbelmatad asynkrongenerator (DFIG) och vindkraftverk med fulleffektomriktare studerats. Resultaten visar att en generisk representation av vindkraftverk med DFIG kan göras med den inbyggda modellen i PSS/E med de parametervärden som finns rekommenderade i denna rapport. I den inbyggda modellen för fulleffektomriktare finns dock begränsningar som gör det olämpligt att använda en generisk representation för denna vindkraftstyp. Övriga slutsatser som dragits är att de inbyggda vindkraftmodellerna i PSS/E inte är tillräckligt flexibla för att fullständigt kunna representera ett dynamiskt beteende från en godtycklig tillverkare i händelse av ett systemfel..

AbstractTitle: A fair representation? A comparative study of the morning program guests and the context in which they are involved. Author: Hanna Brandt Parkvall & Adam So?derblom Tutor: Anne-Marie Morhed Purpose: This study aimed to investigate and compare the guests and the context in which they are involved, in the morning programs Gomorron Sverige on SVT1 and Nyhetsmorgon on TV4. The thesis is based on three questions that examine how representative the invited guests are in proportion to the country?s population, the subjects that occupy the most space and the types of guests that discuss these topics in the programs.

Is the Muslim Brotherhood a political force that can be able to push Egyptian society in to the process of democratization? We think that the answer to that question is yes, even though the movement clearly state that their main aim to create a democratic state, but based upon the Islamic shari?ah-laws. In this paper, we examine if the Brotherhoods? political platforms and ideas are compatible with the classic ideas of how a democratic state should be. We discuss Robert A.

The means to political participation at the local level in Sweden are changing and this change is analyzed through a case study. The first aim is to explore the forms of public political participation in Swedish municipal Älvkarleby, namely public question time in local government, citizen motions and open meetings. A part of this is also to analyze he every day contact between citizens and representatives. The second aim concerns the reasons why politicians decide to support these means to participationThe empirical material consists mainly of semi structured interviews with local politicians, civil servants, participating citizens and local press. Official documents such as public minutes are also used in the process of creating an image of local participation.Local political participation is found to be limited but yet having the potential to strengthen democracy, provided that public decision-makers are open to a dialogue with the participants.Using Kjell Arne Røvik's theories of organisational change, the changes in local democracy can be explained as being partly rational, partly symbolic and partly identity shaping political decisions..

AbstractTitle: From old rightwing-ghost to the new labour party ? The new conservatives political communication during the Swedish election 2006Authors: Pontus CarestenAim: The aim of the essay is to study how the conservative party communicated during the election campaign in 2006. I wish to find out how political parties work in todays society and how the communication has changed over time. To get relevant results I will also see how the theories and empirics interact. The purpose is further to illustrate the new conservatives? campaign work from a senders point of view.Method/Material: I have chosen a qualitative method which consists of three interviews with relevant key persons.

There are lots of theories about participatory democracy, but rather few examples of how to create it in practice. In the 1930´s, scientists at the Chicago School, implemented some projects within the Chicago Area Project, with the aim to decrease the youth delinquency in the socio disadvantaged areas surrounding Chicago. In this thesis, I assess wether these projects, and in particular the one at the Russell Square Area, have some common features with the thoughts of two of the most famous participatory democrats, Carole Pateman and Benjamin Barber. My question is if the Chicago Area Project could be seen as an experiment in participatory democracy. I find that participatory democrats could benefit from the experiences of the Chicago Area Project.

In Jan Jagers and Stefaan Walgrave theory about populism as a political communication-style they claim that one can find this in the rhetoric of political parties. In their study of Belgian politics they found that the extreme-right party Vlaams Block has embraced this populism to a larger extent than other parties. Based on this theory this thesis aims at finding populism as a communication-style in three different Swedish political parties with the purpose to see if the extreme-right party ?The Sweden Democrats? will show populism to a larger extent than other parties, as was the case in the Belgian study.Based on Jagers and Walgraves operational definition of populism as a political communication-style this thesis applies it to the rhetoric of three different parties being ?The Social Democratic Party?, ?The Moderate Party? and ?The Sweden Democrats?. This is done in order to be able to clarify on the one hand if their theory is applicable to the Swedish case and on the other hand to what extent populism as a communication-style exists in Swedish political rhetoric.The method for this thesis has been a qualitative text analysis since and leads to the result that Jagers and Walgraves theory of populism as a communication-style is applicable to the Swedish case and that ?The Sweden Democrats? to a larger extent uses this political communication style, than the two other parties..

When it comes to investigating the motives behind activism, the members of political study have a lot to say. I aimed to critiqually rewiev this in my thesis. I asked the question ?What do the actor themselves claim lay behin their decision to become motivated?? To highlight this complex dilemma, I sought to discuss new social movement theory by comparing it to reality. This includes a literate examination on contemporary political science approaches, and a study of two organisations in the south of Sweden, choosen not to despise any excisting theory, but to give it a sense of reality.

The goal of this essay is to analyse how women belonging to a right wing political discourse talk about feminism and equality. This analysis will be used to determine if right wing feminism exists. The analysis is based on Laclau and Mouffe´s  discourse theory as the primary base. The focus is articulation, antagonism and hegmony; the central terms of Laclau and Moffe´s theroy. The material consists of five interviews with representatives of women wings of liberal political in Sweaden; Liberala kvinnor, Centerkvinnor and Moderatkvinnor.The study shows that there are different opinions regarding feminism in the liberal political discouse, and that those opinions have an antagonistic relationship.

For the last decades, Sweden has transformed from a state with strong elements of corporatism, to a governance of pluralistic character. This development has opened up to a new form of participation ? lobbyism ? which since has spread and commercialized. Because of this, a report on the state of Swedish democracy ? Demokratiutredningen ? was issued to examine the phenomenon of lobbyism as it was feared to challenge the functioning of a representative democracy.