2014 is a special year in Sweden: for the first time elections to the European parliament and the national elections coincides, creating a"Super election year". This year has also seen the rebirth of an old way of campaigning: door-to-door canvassing. For the first time in 50 years the two biggest political parties, the Social Democrats and the Moderate Party, have decided to create a campaign based on personal meetings with the voters in their own home. To investigate this old-new way of campaigning, this study presents an overview of the history of door-to-door canvassing in Sweden and the research in political marketing associated with the phenomena. Based on that, a new model is constructed to help analyze and map the Swedish canvassing-campaigns.

I Ingmar Bergmans filmer förekommer det ofta olika typer av konstnärer eller dess "likar", enligt Bergman (i form av t ex gycklare). Dessa rollfigurer belyser inte enbart konstnärliga spörsmål utan deras främsta uppgift är kanske att fungera som en slags "ställföreträdare" - eller en symbol för människan - eftersom just konstnärerna i hög omfattning tangerar mer djupa allmänmänskliga frågor i Bergmans filmer. Exempel på detta är kanske i första hand då konstnärerna frågar sig vad sanning är för någonting, samt hur detta sedan berör en metafysisk verklighet där Bergmans hela existentiella problematik verkade kretsa kring frågan om man överhuvudtaget kan vara sann; samtidigt som han då också verkar konstatera att en "riktig" verklighet inte verkade vara möjlig att inringa.Meningen med denna uppsats är att titta på vilken och vilka bilder Ingmar Bergman ger av konstnärerna i sina spelfilmer (fram till Fanny och Alexander), vilket då också berättar något om Bergmans egna existentiella problematik och hur den utvecklades under hans liv och skapande..

Uppsatsen handhar de svenska genealogiska rörelsernas framväxt under första hälften av 1900-talet, i en tid då modernister kom att stå mot traditionalister, masskultur och industrialism mot 'den lilla idyllen' och 'humanismen', framstegstänkande mot undergångsstämning. I tiden som (i varje fall inom kulturdebatten) kom att präglas av vacklande ovisshet och desorientering i brottet mellan det gamla och det nya, försöker i uppsatsen undersökas hur man inom genealogiska sammanslutningar och till dessa relaterade organisationer sökte orientera eller förhålla sig till de olika tidsdimensionerna (eller historien om man så vill), hur man kom att identifiera sig antingen med eller mot det förgångna respektive framtiden. Det centrala är vilka frågor som man inom de genealogiska skrifterna/trycken/böckerna ansåg vara viktigt och stå på spel i berättelsen om den tidens samhälle, om vilka idéer rörelserna genomsyrades av, vilka fenomen i historien som man ansåg vara viktiga att artikulera och lyfta fram och i så fall varför. Kort och gott: de genealogiska rörelsernas historiedidaktiska förevändningar under 1900-talets första hälft..

This thesis aims to explore and investigate the use of the cliché ?68 in a contemporary Swedish debate. The sixties and especially 1968 is a historically significant year,and it is marked by political murders, protesting students and political energy. InSweden one of the most notable happenings was the occupation of the student union?s headquarters in Stockholm.

Knowledge is frequently discussed in modern society, and has been since ancient Greece. Our goal is to examine the content of two political documents with the desire to point out their visions about how the Swedish school system should be shaped, in relations to knowledge. More precise this essay is going to concentrate on two specific political parties, Folkpartiet and Vansterpartiet and their official programs on the subject school and education, to see what they say about knowledge. The choice is made on the basis that these parties political standings differ most from each other, in the left/right scale in politics. The qualitative analysis takes its main base from Aristotels concepts of knowledge; Episteme, techne and fronesis, and Bernt Gustavssons modern defenitions of them.

Intense competition among companies and luck or unavailability of certain resources in country of company?s origin force last to cross the borders, and start to hunt for new markets and cheaper inputs. However, by investing abroad the company is not only facing and dealing with cultural differences and new regulatory framework, but also becomes dependent on decisions and actions of different and to large extend unknown government. Moreover, the majority of the investments? flows are directed to developing countries, where power and capabilities of state authorities are considered to be more extensive than in countries of developed economies.

This thesis focuses on politically active women within The Swedish Social Democratic Women?s Association, also known as S-women. By applying discourse analysis to interviews with active s-women and to meeting conversations between the association?s members, the study approaches ideas of feminism, feminist politics and political commitment. ?Solidarity? ? the central concept of the labour movement ? serves as the point of departure for a feminist discussion about class, gender, ethnicity and age/generation.

Aim: The aim of this study is to describe which messages and by which rhetorical means were communicated in political TV-advertisement in Finland and Sweden. The study also aims to analyze how the rhetorical choices were influenced by the political and social context in these countries.Material: Two TV-commercials from the latest parliamentary elections in each country were chosen. The leading left-wing and right-wing parties were chosen from each country.Theoretical perspective: This study is based on theories on political parties? vote maximization and the development of the modern electoral campaign.Methodology: The method used in this study is rhetorical analysis.Results: All commercials had similar themes and were characterized by a low level of conflict. This is related to the common Nordic context in the two countries.

This thesis aims to investigate how the interests of women are handled in political parties whose opinion programs are based on class interests. The essay constructs a theoretical framework, which shows that the descriptive representation of women is a prerequisite for their subjective interests being represented, however not a guarantee.By studying how the Social Democratic party deals with the demands from the Women's federation, the empirical material sheds light on the theoretical discussion. The study's methodological foundation consists of an ideology critical textual analysis, which focuses on the debate on the design of parental allowance that took place within the party during 2005. During the party's congress the women's federation advocated a proposition for increased individualization of the parental allowance, however the party did not accept it. The analysis confirms the theoretical argumentation that descriptive representation is not a guarantee for the representation of women's interests.

Vad som kanske kan kallas den traditionella förklaringsmodellen för metaforer inom filosofin, hänvisar till metaforisk mening, en mening som sägs uttryckas av metaforer parallellt med deras bokstavliga mening. Det har också gjorts försök att skissera system för hur den metaforiska meningen kan vaskas fram ur den bokstavliga.I ?What Metaphors Mean? kritiserade Donald Davidson sådana teorier och försök, och sa att man måste överge föreställningen om den metaforiska meningen. Metaforer, skrev Davidson, betyder inget utöver det de betyder bokstavligen, och alla effekter de har som ?vanligt? språk inte har, åstadkommer de med andra medel än de lingvistiska.

Over the last years there has been a considerable change in Swedish municipals. The number of municipals run by a rainbow coalition, a coalition made up of parties from different political blocks, has increased dramatically. Despite this clear pattern little research has tried to explain this increase. My thesis? aim is to try and clear the water around this subject by answering three questions about this type of coalitions.

The aim of this paper is to research and discuss the role the cultural politics play for the Swedish employment office (Arbetsförmedlingen) and the meaning culture politics have within the labour market policy. A research has shown that Arbetsförmedlingen evaluates unemployed cultural workers differently than regular registered jobseekers. From an instrumental perspective on political implementation this can be considered as an anomali. Arbetsförmedlingen?s mandate derives from the government and its authority is a tool for carrying out state policy.

The focus of this essay is Swedish bilateral development aid. With the help of organization theory I analyse the development aid strategies and policies of the 1990s, in order to examine how and why they were introduced. I investigate three different types of aid organization, namely structural adjustment programmes, political conditionality tied to aid co-operation, and equality policy as part of development co-operation. I analyze the introduction and subsequent use of these three co-operation forms to see whether they were applied and adopted into Swedish development aid because more efficient measures were required or because they were the most recent and modern ways of dealing with development co-operation.Organization theory presents these two ways of analyzing organization. They are occasionally competing and sometimes complementing each other in explaining organization.

This thesis analyzes the media debates generated by the election of Omar Mustafa to the board of the social democratic party, and the appointment of the conservative Minister of Labour, Elisabeth Svantesson. More specifically, the aim is to analyze newspaper material through a discourse analyze, to see if and how religious affiliation effects the possibilities to act as a political representative. Theories of othering and intersectionality serve as theoretical points of departure. Further, chains of equivalence from Laclau and Mouffe?s discourse theory are used to study how categories as ?us? and ?the other? are constructed in the material, and how these processes of categorization relate to the intersection of religion, gender and ethnicity.

This essay describes my work as a director in a specialized orientation within psychodrama, surrealistic psychodrama. Using the language and performance techniques of theater and under the guidance of a director, psychodrama creates an improvised narrative or story. The essay describes several dramas I have directed, reflecting on my actions and choices as a director and group leader. I examine whether my working method has allowed me to be spontaneous and creative, which I believe the example of "The dangerous bear" demonstrates. The process enabled me to establish trust and receptivity so that a newly constituted group dared to investigate conflicts in symbolic ways associated with illness and death.